Xi Jinping’s Scramble to Tibet

Being ‘Dalai Xinping’ is the New Megalomaniac Greed of the Madman?

Earlier, to contain Tibetan nationalism, China thought appropriate, though highly childish, to make their own. It was like making a copy of all the technology and designs from all over the world, lacking in quality, as well as reality: Fake.

China outlaws and invalidates reincarnations of ‘living Buddhas’ without government approval. As an example, in 2005, China appointed the so-called 11th reincarnation of the Panchen Lama (the Buddhist order’s second-highest post), who lives in Beijing. The Dalai Lama, in exile in Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh, appointed another, whose location is unknown. The appointments set the stage for a confrontation over the leadership and future of Tibet, which lies within the territorial borders China marks for itself.

Whereas on 15 August this year, a commemoration ceremony was held at the Kashag Secretariat to celebrate India’s 75th Independence Day. The celebration was led by Sikyong Penpa Tsering and was attended by the Secretaries and senior officials of the various departments of the Central Tibetan Administration.

As the ceremony began, the tricolor Indian national flag was unfurled by Sikyong followed by the singing of India’s national anthem. After the ceremony, Sikyong addressed the media personnel and expressed his congratulatory greetings to the government and people of India on this historic day.

Expressing his admiration for the Indian freedom movement, he said: “It is a well-established history that the Indian national struggle lasted 200 years. By comparison, the Tibetan struggle is in its 70th year

In stark contrast to the rile that Communists of China face from the Tibetan community worldwide, the docile and religiously independent Tibetans gave a heartwarming blessings to India on 75 Independence Day.

Why, according to them, Communists of China do not deserve such blessings?

Chinese Claim: Tibet always been a Vassal State of China

As Feeble as Claim over SCS: Of having shipped/Traded There

As a Lie; a craftily created narrative to brainwash docile and prudent natives, China’s contention that Tibet has been an “integral” part of China since the thirteenth century took shape only in the twentieth century. Ironically, even as late as the 1950s, Chinese writers were accustomed to describing Tibet’s place in the world of imperial China as that of a subordinate vassal state.

At what point in history, then, did Tibet cease to exist as a state to become an integral part of China, is where the sardonic Chinese Communist Party(CCP) argument does a quirky tango with senselessness?

Like Vietnam, Korea, East Turkestan(Xinjiang), Inner Mongolia, and the South China Seas, Tibet’s history is also not unlike that of other of these regions. At times, Tibet extended its influence over neighboring countries and peoples and, in other periods, came itself under the influence of powerful foreign countries like the Mongol Khans, the Gorkhas of Nepal, the Manchu Emperors, and the British rulers of India.

China’s present claim to Tibet is based entirely on the influence that Mongol and Manchu emperors exercised over Tibet in the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries, respectively.

Genghis Khan’s Mongol Empire expanded toward Europe in the west and China in the east in the thirteenth century, the Tibetan leaders of the Sakya school of Tibetan Buddhism concluded an agreement with the Mongol rulers in order to avoid the otherwise inevitable conquest of Tibet. They promised political allegiance and religious blessings and teachings in exchange for patronage and protection.

Tibet broke away from the Yuan emperor before China regained its independence from the Mongols with the establishment of the native Ming dynasty. Not until the eighteenth century did Tibet once again come under a degree of foreign influence.

The Ming dynasty, which ruled China from 1368 to 1644, had few ties and no authority over an independent Tibet. On the other hand, the Manchus, who conquered China and established the Qing dynasty in the seventeenth century, embraced Tibetan Buddhism and had spiritual links to an ever-independent Tibet.

Spiritual links with Tibet have been a fact with India and Nepal since the last 2000years. They do not claim the lands and people of Tibet.

That way, probably China should let Mongolia have sovereignty over 70% of China. Plain Narcissist is the attitude of China towards Tibet, and other regions, which it has either Occupied or lay claims over.

CCP Excesses on Hannization

Far Worse than what They Subject even their Own Han Population To

The insecurity-ridden CCP communists of China know no bounds, both of brutality as well as nonsensical persecution. Two days ago, 60 Tibetans found photos of exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama this week, intensifying a campaign against possession of the banned images.

How in the world, a so-called world power, gets jittery over a figurehead of Tibetan Spiritualism.

Similarly, recently a Tibetan man was pushed off a steep roadside into Drichu (Yangtze) river by Chinese police after he asked them to produce their police identity card. His friend was shot when he rushed out of the car to confront the police.

The two men identified as Sherab Gyatso and Rigdak were travelling from Kyegudo to Domda when they were stopped by police conducting random inspections on the road and were assaulted in a confrontation that followed after they claimed that their vehicle had no prohibited items that needed checking.

Similarly, On 4 August, Rinchen Dorjee and Kelsang Nyima, from Domda village in Yulshul (Ch: Yushu), and Lhundup from Dza Sershul (ch: Shiqu) County in Karze (Ch: Ganzi) TAP were arrested on suspicion of sharing contents deemed “illegal” in a WeChat group.

This illegal disappearances have been gaining popularity by the Chinese CCP, to subjugate Tibetan identity.

Resisting Chinese Communists

Gyuldrak and Yangrik, the two 19-year-old residents of Darlag county in Qinghai’s Golog (in Chinese, Guoluo) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture were taken into custody on Tuesday by Chinese police, a Tibetan living in the region told RFA.

The two Middle School students are believed to have drawn police attention by speaking on the WeChat social media platform against a Chinese policy mandating, beginning in September, that all classes in local schools be taught only in Chinese.

Tibetan parents are being instructed to pick up the new Chinese-language textbooks in place of the older Tibetan texts when they go for COVID-19 testing, RFA’s source said, speaking on the condition of anonymity.

The new language policy has already aroused widespread opposition among Tibetans in neighboring Sichuan, where Tibetan private schools have been closed and children sent to government schools amid parents’ concerns for their children’s connection to their native Tibetan language and culture.

Isn’t this how the Reeducation concentration Camps started in East Turkestan(Xinjiang). Shouldn’t Tibetans resist such genocide of their culture, which is by far richer and soothing than what the Communist CCP professes?

These trivial incidents are just indicators to hide, what is becoming a norm in Tibet.

Beijing built and filled massive camps in Tibet, which had been the original testing ground for cultural genocide, political indoctrination, and forced labor.

“When it comes to human rights violations in China, Tibet was Patient Zero,” Lobsang Sangay, the president of the Tibetan government in exile, known as the Central Tibetan Administration, told me during a visit to Washington last week. “Xi Jinping is now reintroducing labor camps back into Tibet: what’s new is the speed and the scale of it and the military-style that they are bringing to it.”

Beijing has forced more than half a million rural Tibetans into these military-style training and indoctrination facilities in just the past six months, Sangay said. Upon their release, thousands of rural laborers are sent to perform factory work or menial jobs in other parts of China, all under the guise of “poverty alleviation,” according to Washington Post’s article.


International law is a system of law created by states primarily for their own protection. As a result, international law protects the independence of states from attempts to destroy it and, therefore, the presumption is in favour of the continuation of statehood. This means that, whereas an independent state that has existed for centuries, such as Tibet, does not need to prove its continued independence when challenged, a foreign state claiming sovereign rights over it needs to prove those rights by showing at what precise moment and by what legal means they were acquired.

With India’s firm stance on its Ladakh and Arunachal Borders against PLA’s belligerence, the Quad forcing Chinese Navy onto its knees, and Taliban-Pakistan alliance threatening to extort more money in lieu of keeping Uyghur Insurgency sedated, China is feeling alarmed in it own backyard.

India, since last 70 years has been fully committal for Tibetan liberation from the clutches of Communist CCP of China. With renewed vigour, China fears India is just beginning to get their back straightened, to help Tibet get their land, people, and freedom back.

On December 21, 2020, the bill, that it is the United States policy that the succession of Tibetan Buddhist leaders, including the succession of the Dalai Lama, be left solely to Tibetan Buddhists to decide, without interference from the Chinese government, was converted into the Tibetan Policy and Support Act after being approved by the U.S. Congress as an amendment to the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021.

Hence we saw, for the first time a Chinese President rushing to Tibet, for escalating the timeframe of this Re-education and indoctrination campaign to subvert Tibetans. Xi Jinping’s larger-than-life ego-narcissist personality wants to negate Dalai Lama’s spiritual significance and replace by his own megalomaniac image, looking for subservience from Tibetans.

Chinese authorities forcing Tibetans to display portraits of Chinese leaders at their homes, replacing portraits of the Dalai Lama

However, this is not the 1950s or the 2000s, and the world is not going to watch China succeed in its nefarious designs. If China succeeds, then next in line shall be Pakistan and other BRI signatories, who shall await their turn.

01 Sep 21/Wednesday        Source: Fayaz                                                                 

The myth of Chinese investment in Afghanistan

Little evidence that war-torn country is a strategic priority for Beijing

Among the many overblown narratives bouncing around amid the chaos of the Taliban victory in Afghanistan is the notion that China is champing at the bit to sweep in and pluck the country’s economic riches once the country has been cleared of its Western impedimenta.

There is no doubt that Beijing’s companies will look at some of the resources in Afghanistan as potential opportunities, but there is little evidence that this is a strategic priority for Beijing. China has played a surprisingly limited economic role in Afghanistan until now, and it is hard to imagine this is going to abruptly change in the face of instability implicit in the wake of the Taliban takeover.

Up until now, Beijing has been able to maintain good relations with both the Afghan government and the Taliban at the same time, and both sides recognize that whoever ends up in charge, China will still be their neighbor. And as the world’s second-largest economy, it is clearly a relationship they hope to benefit from.

This narrative is not new. The Taliban doubtless recall that their own earlier minister of mining was in a meeting with a Chinese delegation in Kabul when the Sept. 11 attacks took place in 2001. Afghans in general been encouraged by the fact that the biggest putative bilateral investment projects in the country since the U.S. invaded have been Chinese.

In 2007, the Metallurgical Corporation of China and Jiangxi Copper won a contract to develop and exploit a copper mine in Mes Aynak, while in 2011, Chinese energy giant China National Petroleum Corp. won a tender for an oil field in Amu Darya in the north of the country, sparking hopes that this might finally bring a measure of economic independence.

Yet the two projects have since stalled, with the Afghan government taking back the Amu Darya concession, while Mes Aynak has become a byword for broken Chinese dreams in Kabul. In both cases, the much-vaunted agreements for all ancillary infrastructure — a railway line, power station and refinery — never materialized.

There is no doubt that Afghanistan’s mineral riches would be attractive to Chinese companies on the lookout for untapped resources to feed insatiable domestic demand. Yes, Chinese companies may have a higher risk tolerance than some of their Western counterparts, but in the wake of two big project failures, why would a potentially more unstable Afghanistan suddenly be more attractive? Beijing might be in discussions with the Taliban, but China has little reason to force its companies into the country.

When it comes to infrastructure, Chinese investment in Afghanistan is also limited. There has been some hospital construction, housing in Kabul, several small-scale factories and some new buildings for Kabul University — and possibly a military base in Badakhshan — but connectivity infrastructure such as roads, bridges, rail and ports has been in short supply.

Chinese construction companies have built roads and more in Afghanistan, but most of this has been done through international institutional financing, rather than being driven by Beijing. Chinese contractors have won competitive bids and delivered them under dangerous circumstances.

As for extending President Xi Jinping’s signature Belt and Road Initiative, the little that has been advanced has been mostly rhetorical or just concepts floated by Beijing to connect the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor with Afghanistan. But as far as it is possible to tell, little economic energy or effort has been put into turning this into reality. Beijing has refurbished some border posts to facilitate the transit of goods between Afghanistan and Pakistan, but this is certainly not the weighty economic infrastructure projects being advanced in Pakistan or North and Central Asia.

The one thing that the Chinese Embassy in Kabul has focused its attention on recently is pine nuts, celebrating the creation of an air corridor to facilitate their export to China. While such opportunities are to be encouraged — they create lots of jobs in what is still a heavily agrarian society — this is hardly a game-changer.

None of this is to dismiss China’s aid efforts in Afghanistan. The key point is that aid has been limited, with the few substantial achievements tending to be driven by Chinese companies and entrepreneurs operating on their own. Notwithstanding serious and high-level Chinese engagement, the Mes Aynak project remains in limbo, suggesting a limit to how far China wants to force its companies to operate within the country.

Moreover, all of this took place while the country was at least substantially under the command of a government that possessed a degree of international accountability and expertise. While past experience has shown a willingness by Chinese companies to engage with the Taliban, they are certainly not Beijing’s preferred choice. The assurances that Chinese investors would need to proceed further will likely take some time to materialize.

The sad truth is that China is a missed economic opportunity for Afghanistan. And there is little chance that the instability that will follow a Taliban takeover is going to change that.

17 Aug 21/Tuesday                                                                              Source: asia.nikkei

Will China Get Embroiled In The Graveyard Of Empires?

The flag of Afghanistan flies over the Afghan National Army. Photo Credit: POA Hamish Burke,

Afghanistan is a complex geopolitical playground and remains one of the world’s fiercest battlegrounds. After the recent withdrawal of US and NATO troops from Afghanistan, the Taliban immediately began claiming territory in various parts of the country. They now control more than 85 percent of the country. The Afghan government may be overthrown in the next few months due to the poor preparation of the country’s security forces. Against this backdrop, the question arises whether China may be the next great power to get embroiled in the ‘graveyard of empires’.

Great powers have always tried and failed to turn Afghanistan into a hotbed for their geopolitical ambitions. America is the latest superpower to suffer a catastrophic defeat in the country after two decades of unsuccessful occupation and nation-building. Washington’s poor performance in delivering major energy, infrastructure, and connectivity projects has been one of its biggest failures over the past 20 years. Meanwhile, Beijing is carefully preparing to fill the void left by the US.

China’s position in Afghanistan

China is pursuing three main objectives in Afghanistan: Avoiding a further expansion of the conflict and all-out civil war, promoting intra-Afghan negotiations, and preventing the rise of terrorist forces and activities. In this respect, China is relying on intensified relations with Russia (the Dragonbear), Iran, and Pakistan.

Afghanistan is geostrategically located in a hotspot linking the Middle East, Central and South Asia, and Europe. China views the country as a major geopolitical puzzle piece between Pakistan and Iran, both of which have already deepened their ties with Beijing under the Belt and Road (BRI) and China-Pakistan Economic Corridors (CPEC) initiatives. In this context, some specific strategic projects in Taxkorgan, Wakhan, and Gwadar are of immense importance. The construction of Taxkorgan Airport on the Pamir Plateau in the northwestern Uighur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang is a significant long-term investment, as Taxkorgan is “China’s only county-level city bordering three countries—Tajikistan, Pakistan, and Afghanistan”. China and Afghanistan share an 80-kilometre(km) border with the Wakhjir Pass, which is the only potentially navigable pass. However, there is no road connection to the pass on the Afghan side. A potential investment would be to create a direct link to Afghanistan through Wakhan and Little Pamir as part of the BRI, thus, revitalising the Silk Road in Afghanistan through the Wakhan Corridor.

A road project connecting Bozai Gonbad with the Wakhjir Pass is currently in the implementation phase and is being financed by the Afghan government without any Chinese involvement. Whoever is in charge in Afghanistan will soon have to decide whether to reconnect the country with China by building a 50-km highway, a project estimated to be worth at least US $5 million. The realisation of the transit corridor contains potential risks and challenges for China. Beijing considers the Wakhan a potential infiltration route for residents in Afghanistan, who vow to conduct terror activities in Xinjiang. Chinese interest in a direct connection to Afghanistan may grow with the changing situation on the ground as Beijing is seeking to gain a foothold in Afghanistan through the BRI with  US $62 billion in investments following the US withdrawal from the war-torn country.


The CPEC consists mainly of projects involving highways, railroads, and energy pipelines between Pakistan and China; the port of Gwadar is a key strategic asset, which enables Beijing’s power projection into the Indian Ocean. Beijing could include Afghanistan in CPEC to provide economic incentives through a direct land connection with Pakistan. Concrete projects can be developed under the “Digital Silk Road, the Sino-Afghanistan Special Railway Transportation Project, the Five Nations Railway Project, and a Kabul–Urumqi air corridor”. Currently, China is Afghanistan’s second-largest trading partner (US $1.19 billion), but it can significantly increase its trade volume through its direct land connection with Pakistan. Talks on the construction of a main road between Afghanistan and the north-western Pakistani city of Peshawar indicate this may be the first major project within CPEC in the near future.

China is already working on building relationships with all relevant actors in Afghanistan and, if necessary, accommodate the Taliban to discourage their support for Muslim Uighurs in China’s Xinjiang province. Based on its concept of the ‘three evil forces’ of extremism, terrorism, and separatism, China is committed to cracking down on any activity that threatens to turn Xinjiang into a hotbed of Islamic extremism and terrorism, including the Islamic Movement of East Turkestan. Beijing is likely offering economic incentives to the Taliban to guarantee their support for its BRI in Pakistan and Afghanistan. The Islamic State’s (IS) growing presence in the north of Afghanistan is another concern. China will seek Russia’s help to prevent IS from destabilising Central Asia, a common geopolitical goal shared by both the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Chinese-led Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).

Finally, Chinese economic investments in Afghanistan will potentially grow as Beijing seeks to get access to “its unexploited reserves of copper, coal, iron, gas, cobalt, mercury, gold, lithium, and thorium”. According to a geological study, Afghanistan has reserves of rare earths and minerals estimated at up to  US $3 trillion. The war-torn country may have 60 million tons of copper, 2.2 billion tons of iron ore, 1.4 million tons of rare earths (lanthanum, cerium, and neodymium), and deposits of aluminium, gold, silver, zinc, mercury, and lithium. Thus, it is logical that China is more than interested in expanding its trade ties with this part of the world. However, Beijing will certainly seek to secure and protect investments and major infrastructure projects in the future.

The geopolitical stakes in Afghanistan

All relevant actors—Moscow, Beijing, Washington, and, to a lesser degree, Brussels—are interested in integrating South and Central Asia through various connectivity, transportation, and trade corridors. Meanwhile, they are already competing for influence and presence in Afghanistan’s Central Asian neighbours.

For Russia, the relationship with Afghanistan’s direct Central Asian neighbours is a logical continuation of the integration process within the Eurasian Economic Union, and for China within its BRI and CPEC. Moscow wants to promote a geoeconomic space between the southern ports of Iran and India, and the northern cities of Russia and the EU. However, while Russia views the emergence of US presence and bases in its ‘underbelly’ as undesirable, Washington will seek to gain a foothold in the Central Asian region after its incomplete withdrawal from Afghanistan. Therefore, coordinated actions and measures between Beijing and Moscow regarding Afghanistan and Central Asia are quite likely in the future, perhaps within the framework of the CSTO and the SCO or bilaterally.

 Despite US’s request to take in refugees post the withdrawal, Russia remains wary of the potential risks and threats associated with using military bases and hosting thousands of Afghan refugees andany efforts to revitalise American presence in Central Asia.

South Asia will witness growing competition between China and India over the ‘hearts and minds’ of the direct neighbours, including Afghanistan. Pakistan is preparing for the security vacuum in Afghanistan, as Islamabad expects the gap to be filled by China with Russia’s help. Given the poor relations of all regional actors with the Taliban, Pakistan seeks to capitalise on its good ties with them as a mediator. But Islamabad is also concerned about the risks of a new civil war in Afghanistan or the country’s takeover by the Taliban, which is why it will cooperate with other states such as Turkey or even the US to stabilise Afghanistan. The growing Chinese economic presence and ‘debt-trap diplomacy’ towards Pakistan will make Islamabad aware of the need to diversify its relations in the region. There might be even diplomatic efforts towards normalising trade relations between New Delhi and Islamabad in the future.

The close relationship between China and Pakistan, as well as coordination between China and Russia, are key examples of fluid regional formations that can help China manage Afghanistan and will have a major impact on India. Given that China and India will be the two major powers of the Indo-Pacific region, their relationship will increasingly be shaped by competition and confrontation in their quest for shaping this common geopolitical space. Current China-Russia and China-Pakistan close ties have created a significant geopolitical imbalance in the Indo-Pacific, which is detrimental to India’s interests. India is already facing growing tensions with China along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and is building a geoeconomic counterweight to the Silk Road through a terrestrial corridor across Iran and Central Asia to Russia and Europe (the International North-South Transport Corridor). The Indian-backed Chabahar port is located on the Gulf of Oman in southern Iran and connects India to Afghanistan and other Central Asian countries, bypassing Pakistan. New Delhi remains the largest reconstruction donor of Afghanistan and seeks to coordinate with other like-minded partners through bilateral and multilateral channels regarding the volatile situation in the country.

Logically, the US regards India as a reliable partner to create a counterweight to China’s overwhelming presence in South and Southeast Asia. Current developments, such as the emergence of the Quad and other Anglosphere constellations are increasingly seen as US-led counterbalancing efforts against China’s geoeconomic projects such as the BRI, CPEC, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.

The West has its own calculations regarding the worsening situation in Afghanistan. With the Quad‘s increased focus on the Indo-Pacific, none of the four members – the US, India, Japan, and Australia – can afford to have “a blind spot in Afghanistan that encompasses both geopolitical and terrorist threats”. Meanwhile, Washington launched another Quad formation with Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan to enhance regional connectivity. These US-led quadrilateral formations not only aim to contain the growing Chinese presence but also engage in Afghanistan and Central Asia on a range of geopolitical and geoeconomic issues, from counterterrorism and humanitarian assistance to infrastructure projects and reconstruction investment. The European Union fears another large wave of refugees due to the growing security vacuum and is, therefore, eager to promote economic stability and trade relations with and between Central and South Asia too.

Finally, Turkey is supporting the regime in Kabul for now, as it is on a collision course with the Taliban. Ankara’s ambitions to guard the airport in Kabul are linked to geopolitical calculations, as the airport is important for keeping US military presence in the country and creating opportunities for cooperation with the US and NATO allies in the future. For Ankara, “securing a role in Afghanistan in the post-US era will be an opportunity not only to be a step ahead of its regional rivals, such as Iran, but also to guarantee a sustainable influence in the region”. If Kabul’s government can’t hold off the Taliban in the next few months, Turkish troops may face a precarious situation, where Turkey’s ties with Pakistan and China can prove to be very useful.

Increasing its military presence in Afghanistan can play a dual role for Turkey’s geopolitical interests: Ankara will boost its geostrategic importance to NATO and especially to the US amid strained bilateral relations, but it will also keep the door open for a possible rapprochement with China, Russia, and Iran on the future of Afghanistan if the situation on the ground deteriorates dramatically in the coming months.

What next

On balance, China will have to decide whether to manage Afghanistan through its current proxy Pakistan or by directly confronting the Taliban. In this regard, Beijing is unlikely to make the same mistakes as the US and erstwhile USSR. Rather than removing or expelling the Taliban, Beijing is more likely to accommodate them to leverage the country’s resources and enable the necessary networks within BRI and the China-Pakistan-Afghanistan economic corridor. Ultimately, Russia occupies a central place in China’s efforts to stabilise the Central Asian landmass and incorporate Afghanistan in its plans for alternative transport routes, infrastructure and connectivity in the future.

Afghanistan is likely to become the next geopolitical quagmire after Syria. It will be interesting to follow how China will navigate this playground, as Beijing is likely to be the next great power to try and fill the void. Perhaps that is exactly why the US is pulling out now—the move could possibly become an American trap if China enters the Afghan quagmire and fails, as the USSR did between 1979 and 1989. Washington seems to have a plan to cause trouble for the newly emerging great power China. Obviously, Afghanistan will be an important geopolitical test for Beijing, but will it succeed where others have so far failed?

12 Aug 21/Thursday        Source: Eurasiareview                                                                      

Tortured with rods and separated from our children: no one should have to experience what we Uighur women have

‘I hope the Prime Minister of the UK will listen to us and take action on China’

Researchers estimate that one million Uighur Muslims have been detained and put into detention camps in Xinjiang, China since 2017.

Tensions arose because Chinese officials believe the Uighurs hold extremist and separatist views that are a threat to China’s territory, government, and population. As a result the Uighur community – 11 million live in Xinjiang – have faced barbaric oppression from the Chinese government, which has been condemned by the US and UK as genocide.

Uighur women have been targeted by policies designed to stop minorities from having children, and have reportedly been abused, tortured, harassed, systematically raped in the camps and restricted from practicing their faith. In addition, many have been subjected to forced sterilisation and separated from their loved ones. China rejects these claims.

Many have been too scared to speak out, but now as they feel they can no longer suffer in silence. i has spoken to three Uighur women who fled China about the discrimination they faced, and their desperation to reunite with their families.

‘I was nine months pregnant when I fled China’

Atike Kadier, 36, is a Uighur stay-at-home mother who lives in the UK.

I was born and grew up in East Turkestan in a city in China called Aksu. I was nine months pregnant when I fled with my husband and first child and went to Turkey in 2015.

If the Chinese authorities had known I was having a baby they would have tried to force me to take it out of my body or even kill the child. I was so frightened that to get my passport to go to Turkey I hid my pregnancy from the Chinese authorities.


In 2017, two years after we fled China, I received a call from my mother-in-law telling me and my husband that we must come back, otherwise the Chinese authorities would arrest them and put them into prison because we fled.

At the time I had just given birth to our third daughter and we found it too dangerous to go back. This was the last time we heard from my family and since then I have not been able to get through to any of them.  I have three siblings and elder parents and it’s now been four years since I had any contact with them. I don’t know if they are dead or alive.

It is very clear what is happening in China. If we go back we will be investigated about what we revealed to others and most likely put in concentration camps or arrested.

I hope that the UK government can do more, especially after the Uighur Tribunal where a lot of people from my country have given testimonies about their experience. I was fearful to give testimony as I don’t want my family to get hurt, but after this tribunal I felt I should speak up. All I want is to hear my family’s voice and know whether they are still alive.

‘Knowing my child was crying looking for me on the streets broke my heart’

Sudanisa Abdulhamit, 42, is an Uighur mother of seven who lives in Istanbul, Turkey.

I was born in East Turkestan in China and all my family lived there. After I got married, in 2014, my husband was arrested by the Chinese authorities just because he was an Imam at the mosque. He was later released in 2015 when China let Uighurs travel abroad and apply for passports. At that time, me and my husband decided to make a holy pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia.

I left three of my children in the care of my eldest daughter who was married, so that I could perform the pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia. We took two of our children with us. The plan was to go to Istanbul after the pilgrimage and bring all the children there. We thought it would be safer to live in Turkey where we can practice our religion freely.

I remember desperately trying to ring my children back in China for days but the number wasn’t working and I started to get worried. I later received a letter from my daughter which had been passed through from my brother-in-law. She told me that her husband has been sent to prison for 15 years along with 20 Muslim students just because they were praying.

My daughter told me never to come back to China and that it wasn’t safe as we would be arrested. She also mentioned how one of my little sons had ran out of the house and was wandering the streets looking for me and crying uncontrollably, asking for me. Knowing my child was crying looking for me on the streets broke my heart.

My husband tried to get our children back and bring them to Turkey but he went via Saudi Arabia and was arrested after being there for three days and sent back to China. I have not heard from him since, nor have I heard from my children.

I am going crazy thinking about them and what could have happened to them. If it wasn’t for my faith I would have taken my life by now. I call out their names longing to hear a reply back from them but I don’t know if that day will ever come.

I am now alone with three children to bring up but long to see and hear my other children alive and happy and be a family again. I ask world leaders in UK and around the world to please help us. You have the power to do something – please use that power to help Uighurs.

‘I was tortured with electric rods and abused’

Anonymous due to safety concerns, 35-year-old Uighur women living in Istanbul

I was born in Urumqi in East Turkestan, China and got married when I was 30. I am from a devout Muslim family and a mother of two children. My husband and I were arrested on suspicion of “extremism” as they said they had monitored us and saw that we had gone to the mosque and were praying. In China, even if we peacefully pray or read our holy book they call it extremism.


I will never forget my four-year-old son’s face when he saw that me and my husband were both getting arrested. He cried and we cried, pleading with the authorities to let us go and that we had not done anything wrong. At the time I was also pregnant with my second child but the authorities did not know.

In the prison I was tortured with electric rods slashed across my arms, while my legs were tied behind my back. The Chinese police hit me numerous times across the face and used their belts to hit me on the back. At that time I couldn’t stop thinking about my son and the safety of my unborn baby. I was abused, spat at and my hijab was ripped off.

No woman should ever have to go through the trauma that we Uighur women have been through. I thought they would do far worse, but a relative managed to bribe them with money to let us go.

We decided to apply for passport to go to Turkey and managed to get a passport for me but not my son. The situation was getting worse so my husband left me in Turkey and went back to get my son who was staying with my parents. My husband was then arrested and my son was taken to an orphanage. I don’t know which orphanage or where my son or husband is or whether they are dead or alive.

I hope the Prime Minister of the UK will listen to us and take action. Prime Minister, I ask you one question: imagine if this was your wife, your child – would you stay silent?

21 Jul 21/Wednesday                                                                                      Source: inews

Back Off China (Is the Call in the Indian Subcontinent?)

Has got the Dragon Jittery!

Nepal’s main opposition leader Sher Bahadur Deuba was sworn in as prime minister on Tuesday a day after the Nepal court rejected the dissolution of elected parliament by the wily pro-China Oli, following months of the political slugfest. Expert suggests, China’s hold on Oli and resultant undermining of Nepal’s sovereignty, culture, and economy have been fiercely contested by the opposition, and by Deuba’s core group in particular.

Recently, against China’s meddling in its affairs, and using Pakistan exported radicalism, the ruling party Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), has accused news publication Dhiyares and its co-founder and writer Ahmed Azaan, of engaging in a “continuous barrage of anti-India vitriol”, which it said appears to be a well-funded, well-orchestrated, and pre-meditated political campaign at the behest of China, with the express purpose of whipping up hatred against the Maldives’ closest ally, India.

In May, Chinese Ambassador to Bangladesh Li Jiming a few days back, when he suggested that if Dhaka joined the QUAD grouping of countries (India-Australia-US-Japan), which China considers a regional threat, the Sino-Bangla bilateral relationship would suffer ‘substantial damage’. It was of course riding on China’s $25 billion investment to finance 27 major infra, IT, and power sector projects in Bangladesh, and assuming it has the leverage to dictate terms.

As a slap on China’s face, Bangladesh Foreign Minister A.K. Abdul Momen slammed Jiming, reminding him that as a sovereign independent country, Bangladesh could take its own decisions on regional issues.

Resisting China’s Debt Trap

In 2019, Myanmar renegotiated terms for a multibillion-dollar Chinese-funded deep water port and industrial zone, shrinking the scope of the project and slashing the country’s future debt burden to its economic powerhouse neighbor.

Myanmar also had outside help: A team of India and the US economists, diplomats, and lawyers had been dispatched to the country on a pilot program to scrutinize contracts, flag bad deals, and empower the country to push for better terms with Chinese agencies and companies, according to current and former U.S. government officials.

Hence the Myanmar government conveyed to China that the port did not need to be so big or require so much debt. Officials managed to hammer out China with a deal in their own favor, the first slap on a country better known for making lopsided arrangements with weaker countries than it, for backing down in talks.

In 2016, China and Bangladesh signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) under BRI, for 27 projects valued at $24 billion, including a variety of projects in infrastructure and energy. However, now seeing India’s resolve in 2020, and other projects going steady with India, despite COVID-19, in February 2021 Dhaka also refused five projects in the MoUs worth $3.6 billion in Chinese loan.

Buoyed and confident of their economic standing in the region and after talks with India, Bangladesh refused China’s terms of costs for BRI funding for railway projects in Bangladesh. China evidently couldn’t bribe Bangladesh and had to bow out like in many countries all over the world, after the recipient country proposed significant cuts in costs.

Now Bangladesh has refused Chinese investment in deep-sea ports suitable for a future Chinese Navy presence saddled in the Bay of Bengal, and it cancelled the Sonadia deep-sea project. They only agreed to a port project in Payra, ‘approachable only through a 75-kilometer-long canal, a very unlikely place for a naval base’,

Recently Malaysia’s new government, cited worries about sovereignty, as well as unfavourable contract terms and debt, as reasons for their decision to suspend work on BRI projects such as the East Coast Rail Link. That has since been removed from BRI contracts.

In fact, the phenomenon is gaining popularity, as the Australian federal government scrapped both the memorandum of understanding and framework agreement signed between Victoria and China’s National Development and Reform Commission.

EU and eastern Europe has been constantly downgrading the scope of BRI investments, to reinitiate terms and conditions to keep China out of their economic drive.


Nepal now has an easy road to escape clutches of the Dragon

Whenever China is confronted, it comes up with lame excuses. China’s excuse? Apologizing for Dhaka’s hurt pride, the Chinese Ambassador explained to the media the very next day that “his command of English was less than ideal”. The diplomat tried to pacify Mr. Momen by saying that he might have misused certain words which led to his conveying something he did not want to!

This Chinese ridiculous excuse, is ingoing with the ridiculous BRI agreements it has been inking with countries in South Asia. Wit Quad a reality in South China Seas now, China has no military threats for compulsion, and most countries are reviewing the erroneous agreements.

Xi Jinping and Aung San Suu Kyi in January 2020 had signed 33 bilateral agreements that would have enslaved the south-east Asian country to its giant aggressive neighbor, including rail and deep-sea port projects along an economic corridor linking China’s south-western interior to the Indian Ocean: a blatant manner to achieve deep-sea military port in Myanmar.

This forced the Myanmar Military to finally overthrow the communist leaning Suu Kyi, and renegotiate the same in Myanmar’s favor, without the rider for a Military lease of the port in case of non-payment of loan.

China’s BRI has proved to be a scam. Chinese state-owned enterprises are a key source of funding, and most BRI projects are funded via lending from China’s banks, including the policy banks such as the China Development Bank and Export-Import Bank of China. These banks do not disclose the interest rates at which the loans are made, while recipients also keep this information closely guarded secret.

Most financing has been non-concessional with a grant element of less than 25%, known as “other official finance”. The remainder of Chinese official overseas financing is classified as “vague official finance” because of insufficient information.

The result?

Difficulties servicing debt are likely to increase a country’s borrowing costs, which in some cases are already unfavourable given that many BRI projects are in countries that carry relatively high risk. This issue is compounded in economies running large current account deficits, as foreign investors could take flight because of doubts about solvency, depreciating currencies, and increasing the local currency value of the external debt burden. In short, the macroeconomic fallout is destined to be severe.

With Dhoklam and Ladakh faceoff, India is been now seen as the “One foot oh Ground” for the neighbours, and China’s bullying is being contested. A number of countries, such as Myanmar, Maldives, and Nepal, are reconsidering the terms of their BRI participation.

For Nepal, the last three decades have been bloody due to China’s meddling. The “Mao-badi communist war” started by China, is claimed triumphantly by the Dragon to be initiated during 1990s with 2 guns.

Nothing can be a bigger lie.

Now the thing which started with 2guns how did it turn out to be a bloody fight killing 10,000 people. The not so shocking part was all the 10,000 men killed were all Nepalese, for what? For Mao and his not-so-practical theory of Communism? Now, why would Nepal want to be a Communist state and be painted red and taught Mandarin, as was being done by Oli –Xi Jinping combine, since last 4 years.

Deuba’s political struggle since last 4 decades has been to take out Nepal’s future from China’s clutches. After failing to complete his terms four times, now a fifth chance is to get back Nepal to democracy, away from Chinese shadow, and ensure that elections in 2022, give Nepal a chance to elect their representative, who is willing to implement wishes of Nepalis, and not of Xi Jinping.

16 Jul 21/Friday                                                                                     Written By: Fayaz

Xi Stitching a Different DNA in CCP

Dumping Professionalism And Ushering a Thug Culture in PLA

Galwan’s “Spiked Barbarian Mace” Strategy being Revered? As Xu Quilin The Galwan Ruffian gets promotion

An unheard kind of stand-off, in last 45 odd years post-1967 drubbing of China in Nathu La, was systematically being unfurled last year, as a lead-up to People’s Liberation Army’s(PLA) Galwan brutality.

The first was a violent clash on 5-6 May between Indian and Chinese patrols on the northern bank of Ladakh’s Pangong Tso. Scores of soldiers from the Indian side and PLA’s Xinjiang military district were injured in the skirmish involving 250 men.

A few days later, a second clash took place on 09 May when heated confrontation between Indian and PLA soldiers from the Tibet military district in north Sikkim’s Naku La area again led to violence. Four Indian and seven Chinese soldiers were injured during the face-off involving 150 soldiers.

The third, on 15 June, was the bloodiest and led to the first casualties along the LAC in 45 years. 20 Indian soldiers were martyred when they were Thug-attacked with Spiked Maces, medieval era brutish weapons like barbed wires and sharp edged weapons. This was in contravention to accepted peaceful meeting for with the soldiers along with their Commanding Officer had come. Next when the Regiment got reinforcement, they were prepared, and PLA got to get a taste of their own brutal medicine, when they lost over 40 of their Brute weapon clad soldiers.

Neither it is honourable for a professional soldier to come to fight in such a manner, nor are they trained for such lowly levels of human conduct.

Then who else it was? Someone in the hierarchy?

Zhao Zongqi Replaced

For 73 days in 2017 at  Dhoklam, the world watched as Chinese and Indian forces faced off in a remote stretch of the Himalayas. The problem started in June when Chinese army engineers attempted to build a road through the Doklam plateau, claimed by both China and Bhutan.

Following request from the Bhutanese authorities, Indian soldiers based just across the border intervened and stopped the Chinese crews in their tracks. After weeks of negotiations, Delhi and Beijing agreed mutually to withdraw their troops to their original positions; China blinked because it had to abandon the project. And a rising star of PLA, was thus discredited: General Zhao Zongqi .

Zhao Zongqi with his Mentor Xi Jinping

Three years later, he is facing the same hardy enemy, The Indian Army, and foreseeing a similar Dhoklam outcome, he fancied a different approach, suggested by the newly appointed Ground Forces commander:  Xu Qiling.

“Our understanding is that the Ladakh standoff was driven from the top, unlike the previous two stand-offs,” a senior Indian government official had remarked. And this sudden change in tactics, of Thugery instead of soldiering, definitely took birth in a Senior Commander’s brain.

Xu Qiling Important?

Zhao Zongqi lurks In the shadows?

General Zhao Zongqi was the erstwhile PLA’s Western Theatre Commander, whom Xu Qiling replaces.

Gen Zhao, had craftily cultivated the reputation of being a ruthless, savage. He joined the military when he was 15 and has consistently been moved up the ladder. A veteran of Tibet, he has served 20 years in the Tibet Military District and is familiar with the Line of Actual Control under this district that includes the tri-junction Bhutan-India-Tibet where the Doklam standoff took place. Gen Zhao, was stationed as commander of the 52nd Mountain Infantry Brigade in 1992, and moved up as a Major General by 2003.

It is only at the level of the top commander that PLA soldiers under different military districts: the Tibet and Xinjiang military districts, would have responded with such striking similarity, an official said, referring to the skirmishes between soldiers in Sikkim and Ladakh in May last year.

Both military districts take orders from Gen Zhao, who was believed to be directing much of the action along with the Line of Actual Control. Chinese sources however, indicate that it was unlikely that Gen Zhao, who is not part of the Central Military Commission but has President Xi’s ears, would be acting on his own.

Who was his pal in thuggery?

On June 5th 2020, Lieutenant General Xu Qiling, of the PLA, was made commander of the Western Theatre Command ground forces, directly under Zhao, and Galwan happened ten days later.

Was the Brutality a mere coincidence, or related to Xu Qiling’s sinster past? A past, in which he demonstrated similar, if not more brutality against Tibetans, Uyghurs and even native Chinese also?

While he was one of the commanders of the Division that sprayed death on the Chinese protesters in 1989 at Tiananmen Square, he has been instrumental in suppressing Tibet since then. From forced indoctrination of Communist ideology to large-scale massacres using PLA for enforced disappearances; removal and deportation of males between the ages of 15 and 60 to prevent protests; confiscation of property from monasteries, private individuals, and former Tibetan officials; imprisonment, deportation, and murder of thousands of people in the resistance movement. His tasks included  transfer of Han majority people into the region; extrajudicial and arbitrary executions; intensive re-education; and widespread torture, and boy did he not excel in all of that?

As a pat on the back, his stint in XinXiang since beginning of this decade, was to replicate what he had done so efficiently in that brutal sublime manner in Tibet. Yes, Xi Jinping had assigned the Uyghur re-education programme and brutally crushing the Uyghur rebellion to this ingeniously devil of a ruthless mind.

His brutal methods were necessary, as Xinjiang is expected to produce 45 million tons of crude oil by the end of 2022. Xinjiang also has the country’s largest coal reserves, an estimated 40 percent of China’s national total, and the country’s largest natural gas reserves. And the Uighurs are sitting on it.

What he had presided over in last two and a half decades, he now stands as head of the forces to ensure it is done in same manner.


Abominable Savagery as Military Doctrine a poor substitute for Technology and Strategy?

It is a no brainer, that China has moved little, to achieve a mark in the scientific world of innovation. Let’s go a bit deep, and the brutality of Chinese emperors ensured that the society is restrictive in essence and any knowledge that they could lay their hands on is just forcefully implemented, be it metallurgy and Silk from Indus Valley Civilization, Paper from Egypt: as papyrus and amate (infact India in 2000BC had paper writing available, however in a cruder form), medicine from Siddha and Ayurveda of Indian sub-continent and governance was picked up from India’s ancient form of governance of Mahajanpadas and civil and military service based on Salaries, only 1000 years later.

This left little space for a thinking mind to thrive, but for a mind to obey.

However, given the brutal rule of the sword in medieval China, these techniques flourished owing to strict form of law, implemented under the sword of the emperor. Given the fertile minds of Chinese, they were still restricted to either implementing the borrowed techniques, or being sent on a witch hunt on orders of psychotic emperors like Qin Shi Huang (in 206 BCE), to get irrelevant, like the elixir of life! Such was the unavailability of medicinal knowledge in China, that since then till 17th century, as many as 15 emperors died, upon consuming poisonous materials, while searching for this elixir.

Such examples of sycophancy amongst medical practitioners in China, is indicative of the reign of brutal warlord based rulers, who drive each and every part of society, which mired the blossoming of an inquisitive mind (for innovation and discovery). Whatever was borrowed, was preserved, since China was never invaded and plundered, except by Mongolians, that too when Chinese resisted to pay taxes/tributes.

This absence of innovation and technology is highlighted in this communist rule of the CCP, in this and the previous century. China has simply created an ecosystem of technology theft, and presented it in the worst quality and form. Especially this is seen in the manner of absence of Strategic and tactical Military thinking and implementation.

China lost all wars since 1967 drubbing of PLA by Indian Army, including embarrassment PLA faced against Vietnam in 1979. Their Human Wave attack tactics, reeked not only of absence of strategic thinking, but also of lack of implementing technology.

Coming on to technology, despite of what they have stolen, PLA is unable to get it in a fighting order. Their copied technology based military hardware has no buyers except Pakistan (who also looks towards third world military technology sellers like Turkey, Belarus and even Ukraine for critical platforms like air defence systems, radars and drone technology). List of countries rejecting Chinese military technology is endless, right from Bangladesh, Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, African countries and Myanmar.

Technologically, induction of Aircraft Carriers, the much touted threat to the US Navy’s Freedom of Navigation in Taiwan straits, have been brushed aside by all else including Australian and Indian Navies. Supersonic Missiles are yet to surface, and no one has seen the Toy like Stealth aircrafts in action. Radar technology is so woeful, that last year they miss US Navy’s B-52 bombers deep in their airspace, for over 10 hours, and hence rely on Russian radars for the same (S400 are hence vital for China).

Where China is unable to progress technologically and with Military thinking and doctrine, the only last resort they fall back to, is being a visceral brute. The manner in which they control, and restrict way of thinking and living of Mainland Chinese, suppress and exterminate native Tibetans and Uyghurs and try and bulldoze their way around with rest of the world, is indicative of lack of any other sane means of achieving their military and administrative objectives.

In these times, when China is likely to implode, given the dissent from majority Han Chinese, Hong Kong, Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Uyghurs, it is imperative for CCP to go back to the drawing board of 1950s and 60s bloody suppression of dissent in China.

Hence brutish leadership of the likes of General Zhao Zongqi who has been given a promotion and moved to CCP’s inner circle, guiding and prodding the other brute Gen Xu Qiling on, to keep going the same tyrant manner in Ladakh.

He had been successful in Tibet and XinXiang. However getting a bloody nose in Galwan was a lesson not enough for the PLA and CCP hierarchy. They aim to persist with the similar brutish methods that they have become accustomed to, in CCP’s occupied Han regions, Tibet and XinXiang.

09 Jul 21/Friday          Written By: Fayaz                                                                            

Centenary Celebration Euphoria For the Communist Elite of CPC

While Citizens are in a HenCoop: Fed well however Still…!!

The World and China’s own citizens ponder, while Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee is attending a ceremony celebrating the CPC centenary at Tian’anmen Square in Beijing, of what symbolic and moral message the grand however equally brutish and megalomaniac party wants to convey, by celebrating the Oppressive Party’s successful completion of 100 years, in the same location where Tiananmen Square Massacre: a purge was put into action by the Communist Elites of CPC to quell the ’89 Democracy Movement.

Is it to convey, that the Centenary celebration is jubilation, against the murder of several thousands who demonstrated in quest for their democratic rights?

Is it to convey a subtle message to the dissidents existing, of the Despotic might and infallibility of the fitful CPC, against the basic freedom every heart and soul in China so desires?

Megalomaniac Leadership of CPC

History of China has seen CPC conditioning its leadership to effect corruption and dynastic politics and hide the same by a regime to oppress their own people, generally repress the truth, and create a world that they define for themselves and their personal dynastic wealth, while erasing, silencing, or bribing everything and everyone else.

They treat their own citizens like herd cattle and their legal system like a Lego set, reshaping it to accomplish whatever the campaign of the moment requires, to satisfy their personal needs and wealth, and tighten control over lives of people through the monster called CPC, in the name of Communism.

They treat everything which is humane and a celebration of human spirit i.e. art, academia, the cultural and dynastic political evolution of their country, the way they treat the Three Gorges, as something to be dammed with a massive government organized, propaganda-laden humanist-scientist engineering project, regardless of who or what gets drowned, regardless of the fault lines, and regardless of dissenting expert opinion.

It is the height of hubris and any student of human civilization cannot help but see it as this bitterly ironic, massive tragedy in the making.

They exist on totalitarian logic of the erstwhile Brute of human Chinese regressive emperors and regimes of medieval “Yellow River Basin China” (it is the verdict of history and obtuse destiny that we are in power; we also control the history books, the internet, and all aspects of education and the manner of thinking, living, and existence of each human on he Planet), have no real vision for the country, and have nothing to truly offer their people or the rest of the world beyond money and fear.

Since the time CPC has existed in China, how many innovations worthy of benefiting the world race, have originated in China? This includes CPC rule and the rules of despotic emperors of medieval China, and the answer remains Nil.

And they have ensured that every currently conceivable political alternative is crushed; the circular logic of authoritarianism and totalitarianism, which has resulted in ease of Corruption at the largest scale, while there is just minute increase in quality of life for the common citizen, that too of only 2% of the population.


Brutish CPC’s Double Centenary myth supplanted by Centenary of a  Democratic Humane China

The CCP is a liar. When the CCP did not gain power, the CCP boasted that it would give the people the right to democracy and deceived intellectuals with this slogan. After they obtained the power, they cleaned and persecuted the intellectuals and democrats. The CCP never thought about it. In fulfilling his commitment, Mao Zedong’s own words were “Monks are holding umbrellas and lawlessness.” Nowadays, the National People’s Congress, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, and the laws are all counterfeit.

The CCP is a thief. The CCP monopolizes all resources in China, and even the Chinese are their slave resources. During the Maoze era, the CCP cruelly exploited peasants through the hukou system, and in the “reform and opening up” era, let the capitalists exploit the labor and consumers and enjoy their success.

The CCP is a vampire and hinders China’s development. The party organizations and vassals that China uses to share national resources to nourish it includes so-called “state-owned enterprises”, “institutions”, etc. These departments have extremely poor economic efficiency but enjoy privileges, which is essentially a vassal group cultivated by the CCP. These groups enjoy Privileges interfere with the normal operation of the economy and exploit the wealth of the Chinese people through various methods.

CCP’s culture pays attention to “Party spirit is higher than human nature”, “Father and mother are not as good as party members.”. The CCP does not believe in communism at all, just a rogue clique. No matter what they say, the manner of communism reeks of their staunch belief in the dictatorship of the feudal era.

From the standpoint of China’s nationalism, the CCP is a traitor. The CCP has always ranked the “Party” in front of the “State”,  the CCP would rather starve the Chinese to the point of exporting revolutions, inter-Republican capitalist peace.

Sadly, CPC  is very incompetent at running the country. They are accustomed to “one-size-all” by powerful order, and under MAO Zedong: they believed in crude planned economy, the great famine, poverty and various humanitarian disasters, and Chinese people have been living in a very poor standard of living. In the so-called “reform and opening”, it is just the nature of the Chinese communist party is no longer so crazy meddling in the economic development, but as long as involved in public service, the communist party of China (the government service quality is poor, and so-called China’s economic development, but is extensively through power exploitation of rural areas and to provide for a handful of urban areas(2% of the Chinese population

Factually speaking, the CCP is a dictatorship, and crimes against humanity have not been prosecuted. Sadly, in China, because of historical reasons, many Chinese people’s personalities are humble, they feel grateful to the ruler as long as they live better, and the CCP spends a lot of money every year to train propagandists for brainwashing education.

This celebration, in the very place CPC murdered scores in 1989, is a shameless example of such.

01 Jul  21/Thursday        Written By : Fayaz                                                                                 

China With Impunity Nominates Covid-19 ‘Manufacturer’, Wuhan Institute Of Virology For Top Science Award – As China Profited From The Pandemic

China refusing to accept the blame for unleashing a devastatingly deadly Covid-19 pandemic in the world, has with impunity nominated the source of the deadly virus, Wuhan Institute of Virology for the country’s topmost science award.

The laboratory was put forward for the Chinese Academy of Sciences’ 2021 Outstanding Science and Technology Achievement Prize. The country’s ‘bat woman’ scientist, Shi Zhengli, who leads research into the animal at the lab, also received a special mention from the committee according to Daily Mail.

Shi Zhengi, the ‘Bat woman’ has been reportedly accused of conducting controversial ‘gain of function’ experiments which genetically modify viruses in order to better understand the risks they pose.

While many scientists world over have come to a broad consensus that labs at the Wuhan Institute of Virology is the only source of the Covid-19 virus leak, inadvertent or otherwise, China tries to brazen the charge away by resisting an independent and transparent investigation on the matter.

China is continuously refusing to co-operate in an investigation by independent agencies by allowing access to the Wuhan lab to trace the origin of the deadly virus which has left lakhs of people dead and many more critically ill worldwide. The pandemic has also hit the world economy so badly, due to necessary lockdowns stopping all economic activities to curb the spread of the deadly infection.

China even refused access to the WHO team which visited China in January this year to examine the Wuhan labs for the virus leak. While with every passing day more proof tumbles out which strongly points out to a leak of the virus from Wuhan lab.

US infectious diseases boss Dr Anthony Fauci faces calls to resign over the Wuhan Lab leak scandal after he dismissed last year the theory as nonsense while being fully aware of its possibility.

Several scientists who rallied earlier against the lab leak theory have now turned around and changed their minds asking for a full inquiry on the matter. Independent researchers who red flagged the Wuhan Lab Leak were allegedly silenced by Dr Fauci as the leaked e-mails suggests they were warned of dire consequences and job losses for exposing and pursuing the Covid-19 Wuhan lab leak theory.

US President Joe Biden had recently ordered a full investigation into the origin of the pandemic virus and demanded scientists investigate the matter thoroughly to get to the bottom of the matter. Recently, G-7 has also mounted pressure on China by asking it to co-operate with the WHO led team to investigate into the origins of the deadly virus.

While the former US President Donald Trump stands vindicated as he always said that there are evidences to believe that the Covid-19 pandemic leaked from the Chinese Wuhan Lab. He insisted that China pays billions of dollars in reparation to the world for the havoc it has unleashed globally as a manufacturer of the Covid-19 pandemic.

While all countries globally suffered economic distress due to the compulsory lockdowns necessitated due to the pandemic, China’s economy soared and its exports grew in contrast, which lends credence to the belief that the pandemic was a manufactured bio-warfare.

24 June 21/Thursday      Source : Kreately.in                                                                                    

Scholar laments China’s crackdown on intellectuals

Decries 'intellectual poverty' of scholars whose foreign contacts and research areas are officially controlled.

Former Tsinghua University lecturer Wu Qiang speaks during a June 10 interview at his apartment in Beijing.

In a small, book-strewn apartment in Beijing’s outskirts lives one of the last Chinese academics who refuse to be silenced by the ruling Communist Party’s relentless crackdown on intellectuals.

Wu Qiang, 50, once had an enviable career as a political science lecturer at the elite Tsinghua University.

But he was dismissed in 2015 after conducting fieldwork at the Occupy Central movement in Hong Kong a year earlier.

“This caused shockwaves at Tsinghua. I was cut off and they thought I was a troublemaker,” he said, adding that the university instead gave an “obscure technical reason” for his dismissal.

Since then, Wu continues to speak to foreign media despite a nationalistic climate that is increasingly hostile towards outside views.

He also filed a labor lawsuit against Tsinghua earlier this year.

“I am still protesting against Tsinghua’s illegal dismissal, just like how I am still resisting in my thoughts and my comments on politics,” says Wu, a stocky, energetic man who rattles through Chinese Communist Party history as his cats weave between his feet.

“It is very important not to stop speaking out. You need to comment on politics and society; that’s how you participate in it,” he said.

He remains an anomaly. After President Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, China’s vibrant intellectual circles gradually fell silent as Party critics were arrested, fired from their institutions or forced to flee abroad.

“Ten years ago, perhaps every weekend in every corner there would be a large number of salons and meetings” in Beijing, he said.

“But now, this wonderful scene does not exist anymore,” he lamented. “Everyone always talks about one issue when we meet: who’s disappeared or been detained recently. Everyone is waiting to see who will be next.”

In a sign of the sweeping changes to come, a leaked 2013 internal communique – known as Document No. 9 – warned against promoting “false ideological trends” such as constitutional democracy, civil society and press freedom.

It has been likened to a gag order for universities.

Intellectuals, NGOs, civil rights lawyers and liberal media were the first in line to be targeted by successive state-backed purges of dissent, which reached a peak in the 2015 nationwide “709 crackdown” when over 300 lawyers and human rights activists were arrested.

During the past year alone, influential business tycoon Ren Zhiqiang was jailed for 18 years and legal scholar Xu Zhangrun was detained and sacked from Tsinghua after writings that criticized Xi’s response to the coronavirus outbreak.

Meanwhile, former Central Party School professor Cai Xia fled to the US and was expelled from the Party last summer, after a recording of a lecture surfaced in which she likened Xi to a “mafia boss.”

‘Taste of freedom’
The silencing of dissent comes as China, having successfully tamed the coronavirus, flaunts an unprecedented level of confidence on the global stage, sparring with Western countries that view it as a strategic threat.

The ruling Chinese Comunist Party is also about to celebrate, trimuphantly, 100 years since its founding.

“The anniversary is, to a large degree, to celebrate how China avoided the fate of many other Communist parties in eastern Europe, as well as the Soviet Union, that collapsed after the Cold War,” Wu said.

The party “wants to deeply intertwine the CCP’s survival with China and the Chinese people, to establish a sense of historical legitimacy for future rulers.”

Within China, public intellectuals who voice liberal opinions or engage with foreigners are frequently trolled by ultra-nationalists – while those with strident pro-China views are promoted by the state.

Wu decries the “intellectual poverty” of Chinese scholars, whose foreign contacts and research areas are increasingly subject to official approval, leaving them isolated from the international community and locked in internal squabbles.

“Like how laborers derive meaning and self-actualization through work,” Wu reflected, “my comments are my labor and the source of my fulfilment.”

Referring to the Tiananmen Square pro-democracy protests, he added: “My generation experienced political opening and the short-lived freedom of 1989. You only need to have tasted freedom once to not give it up.”

21 June 21/Monday             Source : asiatimes                                                                                       

Is China Really A Peace-Loving Country?

In the first week of March, Hu Xijin, editor-in-chief of the Chinese Communist Party’s mouthpiece, Global Times, shared some interesting words on Twitter.

“You will believe China is a peace-loving country as long as you are not biased,” he tweeted.

Let us look at the facts to see whether his claim holds water. Historians are well aware of the violent history of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which was formally established by the Chinese Communist Party on Oct. 1, 1949. The PRC was established after a 23 year-long civil war from 1927 to 1950.

As its first order of business, the PRC annexed East Turkestan, which is now known as the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, in 1949. In the following year, it annexed another country – Tibet.

Even though it was only a year old, the PRC joined forces with North Korea and the Soviet Union to fight against South Korea and US-led allies in the 1950-53 Korean War.

Since 1954, it has been a long-standing objective of the PRC to annex the Republic of China (ROC), or Taiwan. It attacked the ROC three times, first during the First Strait Taiwan Crisis (1954-1955) and then during the Second Taiwan Strait Crisis (1958). Its final attempt culminated in the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1996.


Due to American intervention and support for Taiwan, the PRC failed in its objective to annex the region and agreed to a cease-fire. However, with its ever-growing military might, the PRC is confident in its ability to annex the ROC in five to ten years’ time.

The Chinese Communist Party, which controls the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Chinese government, has been notorious in suppressing dissidents, including its own party members. The PRC brutally crushed the 1959 Tibetan uprising by killing more than 85,000 Tibetans.

Since 1960, the PRC has been suppressing Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang. More than a million Uighur Muslims are currently in concentration camps, which Beijing claims are re-education or vocational training camps. Many countries and human rights groups allege that China has been committing genocide against Uighur Muslims.

The worst period in the history of the PRC, however, was its Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. During this ten-year period, according to estimates, millions of communist party members and civilians were massacred to enforce strict Maoism doctrine. The PRC was also involved in the deaths of thousands of students at a student protest at Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. Currently, it is trying to crush a democratic movement in Hong Kong.

The PRC also has two tough adversaries: India and Vietnam. Though China had provided military support to Vietnam during the Vietnam War from 1955 to 1975, its intentions to take over the South China Sea (SCS) has caused a strain in their relations.

It all began with China’s attack on South Vietnamese troops in 1974 to capture the Paracel Islands. In this war, 18 Chinese and 75 Vietnamese troops were killed. In 1979, Communist China launched a major attack on Communist Vietnam and occupied some Vietnamese territories until 1992. In this war, around 30,000 people were killed from both sides.

Some believe that China wanted to punish Vietnam for sending troops to Cambodia to remove the brutal regime of Pol Pot, a close ally of China.  However, according to reports, China failed in its objective in this particular war. In March 1988, the Chinese Navy attacked Vietnamese forces and killed 64 Vietnamese to occupy the Johnson South Reef in the Spratly Islands.

China has had three conflicts with its neighbour, India, over border disputes. In 1962, it launched a major attack against Indian troops and won. In this first Sino-Indian War, in which more than 1,300 troops from both sides were killed, the PRC annexed India’s Aksai Chin region.

After five years, in 1967, China launched another attack on India in the Nathu La and Cho La regions. This time, India scored a big victory against China by inflicting heavy casualties. According to the Indian Defense Ministry, 88 Indian troops and 340 Chinese soldiers were killed in this conflict. As a result, China was forced to withdraw from the Cho La region.

In 1969, China also had a border clash with the former Communist Soviet Union. Several hundreds of soldiers from both sides were killed in this conflict.

In June 2020, China and India clashed again in the Galwan River Valley in the Himalayas. In this incident, 20 Indian soldiers and four Chinese soldiers were killed.

When it comes to its national interests, China never hesitates to put aside its ideology and close friendship with its neighbors. That is why China has attacked Communist Vietnam and Soviet Union.

Coming to the present era of President Xi Jinping, China has become more confident in achieving its geopolitical goals thanks to the PRC’s growing economic and military strength.

During the 13th National People’s Congress on March 5, China proposed its 2021 defense budget of 1.35 trillion yuan (US$209.50 billion), a 6.8 percent increase from 2020’s 1.27 trillion yuan despite the COVID-19 pandemic.

According to the latest figures from www.globalfire.com website, China currently has 2.18 million active military personnel, the largest military force in the world. With 35,000 armoured vehicles and 3,205 tanks, China is a formidable force in Asia. China ranks second in the world with 1,200 fighter planes.

No country can match China’s naval strength. China has a record 777 naval vessels, 79 submarines and 46 frigates. It has three aircraft carriers, which places it in second place after the US, with 11 aircraft carriers. China has also 72 corvettes and 50 destroyers.

According to the Arms Control Association’s 2020 report, China currently has Asia’s biggest nuclear arsenal. With an estimated 320 nuclear warheads, China ranks third in the world after Russia’s 6,375 and America’s 5,800 nuclear bombs.

Due to China’s growing military power, many Southeast Asian countries, including Indonesia, feel uneasy. Their greatest concern is China’s aggressive and coercive tactics in pursuing its geopolitical and strategic ambitions in both the SCS and the East China Sea (ECS).

China claims more than 90 percent of the 3.5 million square kilometers of SCS area based on a controversial Nine-Dash Line map. It has overlapping claims with Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam and Taiwan in the SCS and also claims fishing rights in Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone.

Back to East Asia, China has overlapping claims on the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea with its neighbour, Japan. Chinese naval ships have encroached into the waters of the Senkaku Islands several times, prompting strong protests from Japan.

China is a rising power that wants to challenge the supremacy of the US, which is the world’s sole superpower. Its aggressive behaviour under President Xi recently came under severe criticism from newly-elected US President Joe Biden’s administration.

“China uses coercion and aggression to systematically erode autonomy in Hong Kong, undercut democracy in Taiwan and abuse human rights in Xinjiang and Tibet,” US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in Tokyo this week.

“We’re united in the vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific region, where countries follow the rules, cooperate whenever they can, and resolve their differences peacefully. And in particular, we will push back if necessary when China uses coercion or aggression to get its way.”

Blinken was in Tokyo along with US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin to strengthen defense cooperation and close ties with Asian allies. He is scheduled to visit Seoul on Wednesday.

Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi and Defense Minister Nobuo Kishi, along with their American counterparts, issued a joint statement on Tuesday in which they criticized China harshly.

“China’s behavior, where inconsistent with the existing international order, presents political, economic, military and technological challenges to the alliance and to the international community,” the statement said.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi is set to meet Blinken in Alaska on Thursday (Friday in Asia) to mend ties between the two countries.

Given the PRC’s violent history and its present aggressive behaviour, it is very difficult to call China a peace-loving country. However, if China really changes its behaviour and wants peace, it will be a welcome move to all Asian countries and the rest of the world.


18 Mar 21/Thursday    Source: eurasiareview                                                                 

A recent report by the cybersecurity company Recorded Future describes a sophisticated cyber campaign by Chinese agents aimed at Indian targets. The report outlines how a Chinese state-supported group – dubbed Red Echo – managed to install malware in India’s critical civilian infrastructure, including electric power organizations, seaports, and railways. While there is confusion as to whether the attacks caused power outages last October, Recorded Future’s report is clear in their conclusion that Red Echo’s cyber intrusions are directly linked to the Sino-Indian conflict along the mountainous northern border. While the two nuclear-armed states were fighting at sub-zero temperatures and high altitudes with medieval tools, a much more high-tech, 21st century-style battle occurred across the Indian cyberspace.

Using this campaign, China has embarked on a new game in the East Asian cyber domain. Now a major state actor has used offensive cyber means to send a political signal with disruptive effect. The use of cyber tools as part of the international security relations toolkit is not novel. China has previously used cyber means to send political messages to other nation-state adversaries. For example, when Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-Wen was elected, her social media networks were attacked by Chinese actors. However, what sets the Indian hack apart from prior cyber operations is the intended effect of the operation: Prior signalling cyber operations were acts of digital vandalism, yet in this case, the campaign aimed to have a destructive, or at least disruptive, impact in the physical domain. A campaign of this sort – causing potential physical destruction – comes much closer to a conventional military conflict.

We argue that this is a significant escalation of cyberattacks in the Indo-Pacific region. We view the choice of targets by the Chinese attackers as an additional, mounting sign of escalation: Rather than targeting military infrastructure, the Chinese attackers deliberately chose to strike civilian infrastructure. This set of events indicates that China is now willing to reset the rules of the cyber game in the Indo-Pacific. Such a reset has the potential to increase confrontation in the Sino-Indian conflict and thereby impact conventional regional security balances.

By conducting such disruptive cyberattacks, China has now escalated the conflict closer to a national-level military conflict, away from the initial narrow geographical focus on the border region. To date, at least according to the information publicly available, India has not responded to these attacks. Emboldened by the absence of an Indian response, China may decide to send further signals through disruptive cyber operations. This may lead to an Indian response, which, further down the road, may precipitate confrontation. A retaliatory, offensive cyber campaign targeting Chinese critical civilian infrastructure could set off a tit-for-tat sequence of events and fuel an escalation spiral in the cyber domain and beyond. Given the distrust between the two nations and the ambiguity of the intentional purpose of using such operations, cyber actions by either side could easily be misunderstood  or misjudged. This would only further complicate Sino-Indian security relations.

China’s cyberattacks also have consequences beyond the Sino-Indian conflict. Readiness to use these types of attacks in a political conflict raises the question of how China may act in other regional conflicts. If China is willing to take such risks against a nuclear armed opponent, it could easily seek to repeat this campaign in its conflicts with non-nuclear nations. The Taiwan Strait conflict and the South and East China Sea disputes are likely situations in which China could replicate its approach. In each of these conflicts, China has been engaging in salami-slicing tactics, and the use of more unrestrained and devastating cyberattacks would fit very well into the framework of cyber salami slicing.

While China might view the use of such cyberattacks as a form of signalling below the threshold of conventional military conflict, it remains to be seen if other regional actors share this understanding. The academic debate on escalatory cyber conflict patterns notes how escalation is more likely to be influenced by the effects – physically disruptive or destructive – rather than the means – cyber. By choosing this modus operandi, China has taken a step away from the diplomatic domain closer to the conventional military domain. Moreover, even if actors abstain from military escalation in the physical domain, they are likely to retaliate against China’s efforts with their own offensive cyber campaigns, thus igniting the aforementioned conflict spiral.

China is setting a new dangerous precedent in the Indo-Pacific region by willfully engaging in its current behavior. It is rewriting the “unwritten rules” of cyber conflict and has made a calculated bet that using subversive cyberattacks is worth the risk. By playing this game, it has embarked on a path that increases the potential for conflict escalation. This will have long-term destabilizing geopolitical consequences for the Indo-Pacific region. Unfortunately, the region has witnessed a rapid increase in geopolitical tensions and security issues over the last decade. The last thing it needs now is a potential conflict in a poorly understood domain where there are ample opportunities for misperceptions, errors and the upsurge of risk.

13 Mar 21/Saturday      source:the diplomat                                                                             

China Is Losing Influence—and That Makes It Dangerous

The best thing Biden can do is lighten up on China and let gravity take its toll.


Over the last two decades, China has moved from the periphery to the very center of the world’s international relations. Given that China’s economy is now more than five times as large as it was at the turn of the millennium, that transition is hardly surprising. But many of China’s new international relationships, initially hopeful, have now turned hostile. China still has some down-at-the-heel allies, such as Pakistan and North Korea, but it is increasingly isolated from the developed countries that alone can facilitate its continued economic growth.

For China, that means trouble. Its promises are no longer taken seriously, and its propaganda falls on deaf ears. Many of its Belt and Road Initiative projects have ground to a halt. Virtually no one supports its nine-dash line in the South China Sea, and Western countries have been lining up to offer immigration pathways to professionals fleeing Hong Kong after Beijing’s takeover last year. Many countries have banned China’s Huawei and ZTE from their telecommunications networks. And India, Vietnam, Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan are all modernizing their armed forces in response to potential Chinese threats.

Under these circumstances, the best thing that U.S. President Joe Biden can do to stem the rising tide of Chinese expansionism is … nothing. China’s red tide is already rolling out all on its own. Biden can afford to pursue a policy of “masterly inactivity,” relying on China’s own aggressive foreign policy to further isolate the country from the rest of the world. Instead of increasing the pressure on China, now is the time for him to lighten up a bit.

The worst thing Biden could do is put so much pressure on China that its leaders lash out because they feel they have nothing to lose. That was arguably what happened in 1941, when the United States successfully countered Japanese expansionism with military aid to China, a trade embargo, and the freezing of Japanese assets in the U.S. banking system. Japan wasn’t on the rise in 1941; it was on the wane. Bogged down in China, checked by the Soviet Union in a little-remembered conflict in Mongolia, and increasingly squeezed by U.S. economic sanctions, Japan’s leaders recklessly sought a kantai kessen (“decisive battle”) with a naval strike at Pearl Harbor. They saw no other way to forestall a long, smothering defeat.

Of course, what Japan’s leaders got instead was a decisive, blood-soaked defeat. But today, no one except the hardest of hard-liners wants to see China defeated. That kind of language makes no practical sense. Short of a world war, there is no way for anyone outside China to dislodge Chinese Communist Party leadership from its headquarters in central Beijing. A more sensible goal for the United States and its allies would be to see China return to the slow liberalization trajectory it was arguably following before President Xi Jinping took power as the party’s leader at the end of 2012. And that’s a goal that China must be convinced to choose for itself.

As long as China’s leaders remain convinced that all of their problems stem from Washington’s ill will, reform is unlikely. Today, they seem to completely buy into their own narrative that the United States is a petulant former superpower too proud to gracefully stand aside while China takes its rightful place at the top of the world. But as China finds itself at odds with more and more countries, often with no connection to U.S. pressure, its leaders may eventually get the message. Whatever the future of their relationship with the United States, the other countries of the world have their own reservations about Chinese hegemony.

Australia’s fight with China over the former’s efforts to restrict foreign influence, Japan’s standoff with China over the Senkaku Islands, India’s actual battle with China in Ladakh—none of these were prompted by U.S. arrogance. Nor was the South China Sea dispute, which pits China against no fewer than five of its Southeast Asian neighbors. Beyond its immediate region, China is now also arguing with European countries over human rights, with Latin American countries over illegal fishing, and with African countries over development debts. At some point, it must dawn on China’s leadership that these problems have little or nothing to do with the United States, and everything to do with their own provocative behavior.

The most effective way the Biden administration can help drive home that message is to mind its own business. Each of these countries has its own reasons to be unhappy with China. They don’t need U.S. encouragement, and it would only muddy the waters to offer support. For all Biden’s talk of working with allies and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s pledge to hold China “accountable for its abuses of the international system,” they should resist the temptation to try to solve other countries’ China problems. The truest love the United States can offer the world on China right now is the tough love of encouraging other countries to stand up for themselves.

Biden shouldn’t try to out-Trump former President Donald Trump by showing he is even tougher on China. If Biden really wants to differentiate his China policy, he should sit back and let history take its course. While keeping sensible restrictions on Chinese access to U.S. advanced technologies, he should consider pulling back in areas where the Trump administration arguably overreached. A good first step might be to reverse the steel and aluminum tariffs aimed at China that have hurt friendly countries such as Japan and Taiwan. He could also lift Trump’s visa limitations on members of the Chinese Communist Party, which are almost entirely symbolic and nearly impossible to enforce. Such measures would establish a more conciliatory tone in U.S.-Chinese relations without relieving any of the pressure Beijing faces for reform.

But whatever else Biden does, his top priority should be a negative one: Don’t give China’s leaders any reason to panic, any legitimate grounds for self-defense, or any cause that might justify war. That is simultaneously the best way to keep U.S. allies onside and the best way to hasten China’s fall. The first because Washington’s position is strongest when allies need U.S. support, not when they have it. The second because the Chinese regime can’t be brought down by the United States; it can only be dismantled from within.

Politically and temperamentally, the hardest thing for any U.S. president to do is nothing. The extraordinary power concentrated in the president’s hands generates extraordinary temptation to use it, and there are many stirring arguments for decisive leadership. But in the current situation, decisive leadership can only disrupt an already benign policy environment. China’s only hope for victory in the current situation is to provoke a crisis—and then benefit from the ensuing disorder. Biden’s number one job is to make sure the crisis doesn’t occur.

05 Mar 21/Friday   Source: hindustantimes.com                                                                          

China: Myanmar Military Is Ungrateful, Poor Business Partner Whereas

Xi loves Aung San Suu Kyi’s ‘Yes’ on Chinese Colonial RCEP & OBOR

Come January 2021 this year, though Winter in Beijing, however, Spring was in full bloom in the hearts of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP), around the sweet smell of love in the air.

Love blooming, crashing around like a cascading river in hearts of Xi Jinping and Aung Suu Kyi, dancing to the Christmas jingles of sending Myanmar to a Hambantota & Gwador like Debt trap ‘Chinese Military Base’ , with nil benefits to Myanmar nationals.

Yes, it was about going full pace on SEZ and deep seaport(yes another one of the same lure as in Gwador and Hambantota) in Kyaukphyu, similarly having only Naval base benefits for China, and none for Myanmar.

Not only this gave chills to Myanmar’s immediate neighbours like Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia, this blatant dance in the laps of China by Aung Suu Kyi, threatens territorial integrity of Myanmar, whereby China could simply break up Myanmar into two halves, using the one over which it has control vide its funded insurgent groups of secessionist Kokangs and  other funded and controlled by Pakistan Army’s ISI.

China’s Grand Plan to Disintegrate Myanmar

Myanmar Military-The Tatmadaw is all that is Standing against its Communist Dream

The Tatmadaw has long accused China of fostering terrorism using its ethnic armed groups in Myanmar’s border areas. Most of them have been fighting the central government for greater autonomy since the time of Myanmar’s independence in 1948, however instigated, funded and channelled with China’s secessionist pitch .

Relations hit a low point during the anti-Chinese riots of 1967,  just five years into Myanmar’s previous military rule.

From then on, there was no love lost between China and Tatmadaw for decades, essentially up until after the 1988 uprising. China goaded The European Union and the United States to impose arms embargoes on Myanmar, and China evolved itself as the corner where Tatmadaw had to turn to, to purchase weapons for its massively increasing insurgency and fighting terrorism, all the latter incidentally promoted by China’s Communist Party CCP.

China is Effortlessly Corrupting the Elected Governments

All Over the World and Myanmar is no Exception

The past five years of National League for Democracy (NLD) rule under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi, led Beijing to realise the ease of abusing the trust of Myanmar governments, to lure them with FDIs. Aung San Suu Kyi visited Beijing relatively frequently and has heavily stressed on the need to pursue friendly relations with China for the sake of Myanmar’s economic development.

Though her father’s Communist past and closeness to Communists of CCP of China, had been an open secret, it was the swift ease with which she was bent on getting Chinese control over Myanmar’s economy and affairs, which was baffling.

Bilateral economic relations with China had flowered massively under the NLD government, with Myanmar actively participating in the China–Myanmar Economic Corridor as part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Recently, Aung San Suu Kyi’s government also signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), a free trade agreement that is completely in interest of China, and shall devour Myanmar’s economy and ethnic industry.

China forced Aung Suu Kyi government in 2015 to sign the SEZ/Port deal of Kyaukphyu, and to dawdle away the Indo-Myanmar Port development at Sittwe.

To snort that deal in favour of China, Chinese army on Myanmar’s north eastern border up tuned the insurgency resulting in the Tatmadaw’s retaliatory actions against the secessionist Kokangs (who are Mandarin speaking Han Chinese inhabiting the northern part of the Shan state and funded and trained by Communist CCP of China).

China has been trying to reduce India’s influence in Myanmar, using multitudes of Aung SuuKyi’s China visits. She even opposed India’s supply to Myanmar a Kilo class sub from its fleet. She acted more as envoy of Xi Jinping to Myanmar, than the representative of people of Myanmar.


Aung SuuKyi has always been a pawn in the hands of Chinese, and her party shall always be susceptible to China’s terror-politics in the region. Since last three decades, China has been strangulating Myanmar’s economy through world sanctions.

China stages Islamic insurgency in Myanmar through Pakistan Army-ISI Moghuls of global terrorism, and Secessionist insurgency by Han Chinese and other groups.

China fabricates flashpoints wherein Myanmar Military has to take drastic Actions, to safeguard its territorial integrity. That acts as the trigger for democracies to impose sanctions, forcing Myanmar’s economy down the throat of China, which gets to dictate terms.

Present protests in Myanmar has Chinese underground support and money, written all over it. Getting a crowd to be fired upon by Security Forces/Police has been the Chinese maligning tactics , tried many times in India.

Sadly they have successfully been able to create another narrative of secessionist journalism, funding and staging violent protests, wherein yesterday, 10 protesters died when police had to open fire, to dissuade protesters from turning violent.

Myanmar Military cannot let China undermine its territorial existence, not let it be turned into a  economic colony, the way Pakistan has been rendered as.


04 Mar 21/Thursday                                                                            Written By: Fayaz

Chinese power loans fueling a debt trap in Pakistan

Pakistan seeks to reschedule and renegotiate Belt and Road loans that have resulted in a massive oversupply of power plants

PESHAWAR – Pakistan is the latest nation struggling to repay Chinese loans extended under the Belt and Road Initiative, with indications emerging that Islamabad will soon seek to reschedule as much as $22 billion in outstanding power sector credits.

In recent years Chinese loans have fueled a massive buildout of Pakistan’s power generation, financing that has turned a perennial electricity shortfall into a now-massive capacity surplus that the highly indebted nation can increasingly ill-afford.

The wind, coal, solar and thermal power plant loans have consumed almost half of the outlays of the Beijing-backed US$60 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) scheme, which seeks to improve the latter’s infrastructure and facilitate more bilateral trade, among other geostrategic objectives.

The two sides are now engaged in top-level talks on power-sector debt payment rescheduling, according to a well-placed source familiar with the situation who spoke with Asia Times.

In those debt-rescheduling talks, Pakistani officials are also reportedly asking their Chinese counterparts to decelerate agreed plans to build even more power plants that would add to the overcapacity problem.

“Yes, we have accelerated efforts to get some sort of relaxation from Beijing either in the power purchase mechanism or on the mode of payment of capacity cost,” a high-level government source involved in CPEC policy-making told Asia Times, requesting anonymity.

The source said that a high-level delegation led by Pakistani President Arif Alvi visited Beijing last March to discuss the possibility of a 2.5% cut in the present interest rate on power sector-related loans at Libor plus 4.5%.

“[Alvi] also discussed with his Chinese counterpart a 10-year extension in the debt repayment period. These two rebates, if approved, would save [Pakistan] about $600 million annually,” the same CPEC policymaking source said.

The source said that Chinese state-owned banks and other financial institutions were presently evaluating Islambad’s debt reduction proposals and that a response was anticipated before the end of March.

The Chinese side has so far not budged on a possible debt reduction deal, with the CPEC official saying the relevant Chinese authorities have not communicated with him on the issue in the last ten months.

The Pakistani government has recently reapproached Chinese officials on the issue but no information has leaked out in the public domain on their exchanges.

Dr Farrukh Saleem, an Islamabad-based political economist, analyst and columnist, told Asia Times that the Chinese do not discuss such issues in the public domain and prefer to decide such sensitive matters behind the scenes.

“This may be a reason why they swept Islamabad’s proposal under the carpet,” Saleem opined.

Last year, President Alvi, Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and Minister for Planning Asad Umar visited Beijing during the early phases of the Covid-19 pandemic to convey that their country was facing difficulties in meeting its CPEC-related debt obligations.

The delegation, which met with high-ranking Chinese counterparts, underscored Pakistan’s financial constraints in upholding the terms of its power plant loans, the single, biggest component of the BRI in Pakistan.

In those discussions, the Pakistani delegation noted that the previous government entered into guaranteed power purchase agreements with Chinese companies on what is now perceived as onerous terms, including fixed and high power purchase rates.

Workers at the Chinese financed Sahiwal Power Plant project. Image: Twitter

This year, the Pakistani government is obliged to make 600 billion rupees ($3.75 billion) worth of capacity payments to Chinese-financed power producers, which means the state pays for full-capacity output even if it does not actually take the power.

Chinese investment has recently fueled the development of over a dozen power plants in Pakistan, a new modern capacity that has provided an additional 12,000 MW of electricity under the CPEC’s umbrella. Those plants have helped to resolve the country’s long-time energy shortage crisis.

But those investments are now widely viewed as too much of a good thing, however, with the nation now stuck with a massive idle capacity problem and more power plants with guaranteed power purchase agreements scheduled to come online in the years ahead.

Pakistan’s total power generation capacity hit 37,402 MW in 2020, outproducing the nation’s total demand of 25,000 MW in summer months and 15,000 MW in the winter.

Moreover, Pakistan’s transmission and distribution capacity is not sufficient to keep pace with the bulk of power supply and currently stalls out at approximately 22,000 MW. That, reports say, has leftover 15,000 MW of power unused in the summer and 22,000 MW in the winter.

As such, the government is paying billions of dollars annually to independent power producers based on their installed capacity rather than on how much power is actually consumed.

“There are three main grounds of all this mess created in the energy sector,” said Saleem.

“First, the power purchase agreements made with Beijing provide for a highly overrated power supply, which eats up roughly $1.6 billion annually. Another $1.8 billion goes into power pilferage and line losses, and yet another $9 million is consumed in recovery losses of power dues from consumers,” he said, citing official statistics on power sector losses incurred by the state.

Saleem said that the recent Covid-influenced downturn in gross domestic product growth from 5.8% in 2018 to -0.4% in 2020, the first time Pakistan’s economy dipped into negative growth in over seven decades, has curtailed electricity demand across the country.

“This rendered thousands of megawatt electricity surplus, on which the government pays capacity charges in line with the agreements,” Saleem added.

Excess capacity payments made by the government to IPPs have swelled year on year, rising from 185 billion rupees ($1.15 billion) in 2013, 468 billion ($2.92 billion) in 2018, 642 billion rupees ($4 billion) in 2019, to 860 billion rupees ($5.4 billion) in 2020.

Experts say that if the current overcapacity problem and debt repayment terms persist, the government’s overall power sector liability may balloon beyond 1.5 trillion rupees ($9.4 billion) by the end of 2023.

At the same time, despite the massive excess capacity, the cost of electricity is fast-rising for Pakistanis. Power tariffs have been revised up 22 separate times since 2019, with rates already raised twice this year by the National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA).

Rather than supply and demand, Pakistan’s electricity rates are now being determined by the state’s need to pay IPPs for their excess capacity as contractually agreed in their loan agreements.

Power sector-related debts climbed to 2.1 trillion rupees ($13.4 billion) from 2015 to 2020, a period over which CPEC-related IPPs start churning out power well-beyond the country’s total demand.

Official estimates indicate that Pakistan’s energy-related debts will rise to 2.8 trillion ($17.5 billion) rupees by the end of June under current Belt and Road terms and conditions. The figures show that power sector liabilities surged by 538 billion rupees ($3.4 billion) in just one year from July 2019 to June 2020.

Those debt obligations are exerting growing pressure on Pakistan’s national debt profile. During the first half of the 2020-21 fiscal year, Pakistan paid over $7 billion in external debt servicing, a figure that equates to nearly half of the foreign exchange reserves held at the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP).

Official figures indicate that Pakistan’s total debt servicing liability could surpass $14 billion by the end of the year, at a time foreign exchange reserves are hovering around $13 billion.

That’s leading some analysts to the conclusion that China’s Belt and Road lending to Pakistan is becoming a “debt trap”, as total external debts and liabilities hit $115.76 billion at the end of 2020 and more owed in 2021 for what are now seen as unproductive Chinese power sector investments.

01 Mar 21/Monday                                                                              Source: asiatimes

China’s Double Game in Mayanmar Checkmated

Tatmadaw’s Coup an Necessity to Counter a Bigger Evil: China

Myanmar’s Chief of Armed Forces General Min Aung Hlaing triggered a controversy by saying in an interview that the terrorist organisations active in his country were backed by ‘strong forces’. In the interview, Hlaing didn’t name any country, although some reports suggest that he was hinting at China for arming the Arakan army in Rakhine state.

The statement was cleverly worded, even though Myanmar had raised the issue bilaterally with China, saying that Chinese weaponry was circulating among various insurgent ethnic groups in Myanmar. Reports indicated that Chinese weaponry reached Myanmar through neighbouring countries like Laos. China is also the only qualitative arms supply lifeline for the Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw.

The Sino-Myanmar boundary stretches for 1,358 miles. Historically, China is sensitive to any other country playing any kind of facilitatory role, particularly in the ongoing peace process in the north, a territory that adjoins China. On the other hand, China wields direct as well as indirect influence with various stakeholders in Myanmar. China and its provinces adjoining Myanmar, such as Yunnan, have parallel linkages with multiple stakeholders in Myanmar, including the leadership of ethnic minorities.

Since coming of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party to power, China has been rapidly signing contracts after contracts with the Civilian government, in lieu of keeping in control the radical Islamic and Communist terrorist factions.

Aung San Suu Kyi had been hapless spectator to this blatant take over of the narrative by China. Things were about to get worse?

Myanmar Army Tatmadaw Fought Communist Party of China (CCP) in the 80s

In the 80s it is only with marginal estimates that the strength of communist guerrillas supported by CCP, operated along the 1,300 mile Sino Burmese border had doubled since the late 70s.

The rebels were reported to have fled back and forth into China for sanctuary. CCP’s Chinese advisers have been operating with Burmese communists inside Burma, since 1968.

The rebels had better weapons since the 70s, including heavy mortars, recoilless rifles, and a variety of land mines all courtesy to Chinese handlers of CCP. This had contradicted all claims, that China had stopped supplying money and food to Burmese communists in 1978.

In those times, CCP and China used to declare openly, that they have a right to conduct limited “party to party” relations with such rebels (as is presently in case of India). Southeast Asian countries felt that as a semantic cover for Chinese intervention in Southeast Asian affairs.

Burmese Army then felt threatened, as they could see in front of their eyes the horrendous existence of the CCP Chinese-backed Pol Pot shadow guerrilla government in Cambodia. Myanmar Army didn’t want their nation to go that way.

CCP Chinese Meddling Still Holds True

Myanmar Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has called for international cooperation in fighting and claimed that terrorist groups exist because of the “strong forces that support them”. While he did not name forces but observers indicated that he referred to Chinese support for terrorist groups in Myanmar.

Myanmar Armed forces head had made these revelations last year, while he was in Russia to attend the 75th anniversary of their Victory Day. Myanmar armed forces maintain close links with Russian armed forces and purchases equipment from Russia.

During the visit, Gen Min Aung Hlaing also had held talks with Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on how to promote ties between their countries’ armed forces, border security, and counter-insurgency operations along the border, with specific reference to Pakistan and china supported Radical Islamic and Communist terrorists.

Complicit is evident as the two terrorist groups the military chief was referring to: the Arakan Army (AA) and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), wherein they did not disrupt any Chinese development projects in Myanmar, however always disrupted the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project with India, across the Mizora-Mayanmar border. 

In addition, the communist terrorist organization, United Wa State Army (UWSA), the largest EAO in Myanmar is an alliance of 30,000 troops along the China border. Intelligence reports indicate that it also has a dedicated China built weapons manufacturing facility in its area of control.

The group is the leader of the FNPCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee), comprising the EAOs in Myanmar established to barter with the Myanmar Army.

UWSA is alleged to be the largest drug-producing organisation in entire Southeast Asia and has considerable narco-eco-trade links with Chinese economic conglomerates, according to an intelligence report.

China Playing Up a Hapless Aang San Suu Kyi

Till 2015, Mayanmar Army had resisted the Chinese CCP’s efforts to nullify Mayanmar’s sovereignty. In 2011 the cancellation of  Chinese-backed Myitsone dam, Kunming-Kyaukpyu Railway (abandoned in 2014), and other projects, had left CCP red-faced. However, relations suddenly went into an unnatural upswing, when Aung Sun Suu Kyi’s party the National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power in early 2016.

Multiples of memorandum of understandings (MoUs) in the garb of so-called “ Framework of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative” were signed in May 2017 when Aung San Suu Kyi attended the first Chinese BRF. Five months later, the CMEC was imposed on Mayanmar and an agreement was signed in September 2018 to connect China’s Kunming to Mandalay and then extending east and west respectively to Yangon and Kyaukpyu.

In March 2018, another MoU was signed to conduct feasibility studies for the construction of the Mandalay-Tigyaing-Muse expressway project and Kyaukpyu-Naypyidaw highway project.

In July 2018, Aung San Suu Kyi approved three economic cooperation zones along the Myanmar China border: one is Kachin State and second in Shan State, though just like Thailand, the terms favoured only Chinese companies and business, with little for development of Mayanmar’s business bulk.

Jut in Jan 2021, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi was at Aang San Suu Kyi’s doorsteps, to aggressively pitch for favourable pitch for its projects, in lieu of communist area’s support given to her party in recent elections of 2020. Time to reap the fruits.

Already Myanmar is heavily indebted to Beijing; around 40 percent of its total foreign debt of $10 billion is owed to China. Myanmar Armed forces are keen to avoid going Sri Lanka’s way i.e. it would like to avoid falling into a Chinese ‘debt trap.’

The $10 billion Kyaukphyu project, includes a port that costs $7.3 billion and a special economic zone pegged at $2.7 billion. The port cannot benefit Myanmar and there are ample doubts over the economic viability of the SEZ at Kyaukphyu as it is poorly connected to other commercial centers in Myanmar.

Port is simply another Hambantota port in Mayanmar, a Chinese Navy’s peak into the Indian Ocean. And the dismissed government was an easy pawn in hands of the Chinese CCP.

Covert support by Myanmar Communists in 2020 Elections

China’s CCP Ensured It

When Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD won in the 1990 elections, the then Chinese ambassador was among the first to send her a letter of congratulations. The military government, which rejected the results of the election, allegedly did not take kindly to China’s initiative toward the NLD. This incident affected bilateral ties, leading China to recall its ambassador from Yangon from mid-1990 until July 1991. To avoid a similar situation during the 2010 elections, China left the ambassador position open from September to late December.

During the twenty years of military rule in Myanmar, Beijing minimized contact with Suu Kyi and the NLD out of consideration for the military government’s sensitivity.

Since 2011, three consecutive Chinese ambassadors (Li Junhua, Yang Houlan, and Hong Liang) have met regularly with Aung San Suu Kyi, and Chinese officials, scholars, journalists, and businesses have frequented NLD headquarters in Yangon.

Chinese authorities invited several NLD delegations to China, on a Party to Party basis, to build relations and to express its desire to maintain a friendly relationship with Myanmar. All shrouded in mystery, however, suggests complicity in the elections, by Chinese Communists ensuring Mayanmar Communists support NLD in 2020 concluded election win for Aang San Suu Kyi.

It is evidently suspicious, why in bilateral and other public occasions, she has openly committed herself and the NLD to a friendly policy toward China, vowing to build a good relationship.

The investigation committee for the Letpadaung copper mine project, which she chaired, approved the continuation of the joint venture despite opposition from local residents and Myanmar society in general. Hence Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s opposition to her actions and support to locals has been hailed since.

On issues that China prioritizes, such as ethnic conflict on the border and China’s commercial projects across Myanmar, her position (or rather the lack of a position) has made her the “choice-chosen one” Myanmar politician for China.

It is contrary to interests of Mayanmar.


Sadly, for all her good intentions, Aung San Suu Kyi has been a pawn in hands of Chinese divisive tactics, and has been committing irreplaceable damage to the sovereignty of Mayanmar, much to the chagrin of Armed forces of Mayanmar, who have fought the CCP supported Mayanmar Communists insurgents.

Myanmar government under Aung San Suu Kyi had been pursuing a delicate diplomatic balancing act, of securing China’s support to take forward the ethnic peace process. In return of this blackmail, Myanmar is forced to be part of Chinese BRI projects that it sees are mutually beneficial, but non-binding. Most of the deals reached in the past couple of years are MoUs that have no legal force, and renegotiations of the same in last two years, driven by Gen Min Aung Hlaing to ensure Mayanmar’s advantage, without relinquishing their sovereignty, imply that.

The manner of hard-driven re-negotiation of the port deal, Myanmar had sought and received help from the US, India, and other countries. A team of American-Indian experts helped Myanmar push through “a better deal” in favor of Mayanmar, and not China.

Vaccine diplomacy was high on the agenda of China, during a visit by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Myanmar in early January 2021, albiet Gen Min Aung Hlaing ensuring that the first order of 30 million doses come from India.

Last year, Myanmar under directions from Gen Min Aung Hlaing, buoyed by support from India, aggressively renegotiated the BRI deal with China, including agreements reached over CMEC, with renegotiated contracts including concessions that the Dragon was forced to concede.

However with Aang an Suu Kyi’s party the NLD, and the recent election’s covert support given by Chinese Communists to her party, since they take her as “the easy target”, has threatened to undo all the hard work been done in favor of Mayanmar.

However, Gen Min Aung Hlaing, stands tall, to defeat the Communist designs, even by courting international criticism, for sake of his nation and Mayanmar Sovereignty and their indomitable peaceable spirit towards development and progress.

Chinese CCP would love to break up Mayanmar, so as to get a free run to the Indian Ocean, at the expense of sovereignty of Mayanmar, just like it has done in Pakistan, and Aung San Suu Kyi was making it quite too easy for them.

It is understandable why China has been avoiding to answer questions over rumors, that the coup was a setback to Beijing, especially CMEC project, which provides access to China to the Indian Ocean, the only reason China is interested in Mayanmar, and leaving no stones unturned, to destabilize Mayanmar.

03 Feb 21/ Wednesday                                                                                                   Written by: Fayaz

China to Artificially Cultivate Patriotism in PLA

New Laws to Purge Military Dissent or simply Euphemism of the Uninspired

According to Chinese Communist Party(CCP) mouth piece- The Global Times, China’s draft revisions to the National Defense Law aims to make Chinese military service a profession revered by the whole of society, wherein it emphasizes the guarantee of the status of military personnel, and proposes changing the clause “make military personnel a profession respected by the whole of society” to “make military personnel a profession revered by the whole of society.”

Is it a simple case of Euphemism of the Uninspired, or is an outcome of the repeated drubbing received by the CCP leadership, in Ladakh, at the hands of Indians.

The New Law

Raises more Questions on CCP

Under this draft law, non-Party member military personnel must also be loyal to the CPC(are they suspected to be not?), which means they must be disciplined in the same way as Party members and not betray the Party(are they suspected to be betraying the party?), Li said, adding that this requirement will provide guarantees for the military to accomplish missions they are given(are they suspected to be not achieving their missions?).

Regarding preferential treatment of military personnel from the state and society, the draft also added that China will establish a military welfare benefit guarantee system that is compatible with the military profession and coordinated with the development of the national economy.

Xu believes this guarantee system will prompt military personnel to be more professional(are they suspected to be not professional now?), allowing them to enjoy better preferential treatment in accordance with the economy.

That is as close to buying-off Patriotism from own citizens, as it can ever be.

Answer lies in another subtle statement made by a top CCP office bearer.

PLA devoted to Communist Party?; not to the Nation China!

Fighting not for sovereignty of China, but for pockets of CCP?

If military personnel have a sense of honor, they can make even greater contributions to the country when a war breaks out and in safeguarding national sovereignty, security and development interests.

Is it that any citizen of a righteous nation, who shall not have Sense of Honor for their country?

They shall have honor for China, but not for CCP. Why?

For that, we shall have to delve further into the history of Communist China, not too far back, but say a peek of China, 100 years before now.

Warlord Era of the 1920s China

How Chinese Imperialist-Despotic Rulers become present day Communists

In October 1911, the ruling dynasty was overthrown in a revolution know as the Double Tenth. The imperialists lost control of the military; soldiers in Wuchang revolted and rebellion spread quickly. Most provinces then declared themselves independent of Beijing, and independent Province rule in China was under way.

The imperial government attempted to use the former influential general of the Northern Army, Yuan Shikai, to suppress the rebellion, but he double-crossed them, arranging a deal with Sun Yixian(a democrat in exile in the US). Sun agreed for Yuan Shikai to be President of the new republic in February 1912, in exchange for the end of Manchu Imperialist rule in China, and formed the political party, the Guomindang (GMD).

‘The Double Tenth was a triumph of regionalism-federalism. It represented a particular phase in the long-running contest between central imperialist autocracy and local autonomy of federal-democrats. However, There was no real introduction of democracy, and most former imperial officials kept their positions. Yuan ruled China as a military dictator from 1912 until 1915, on behalf of the Imperialists.

With the death of Yuan, China came out of the grips of Imperialists.

They ran their territories independently, organizing and taxing the people in their domains. They had their own laws and even their own currencies. Then came a period of prosecution in lives of rural peasants and Chinese population.

Communists(CCP) and Nationalists(GMD)

How China’s cruel Imperialists hijacked Communism

After the death of Sun in 1925, a democrat general took over leadership of the GMD, General Jiang Jieshi. Jiang was a committed nationalist, and had enthusiastically joined the GMD.

Present communists, the CCP evolved from the Imperialists, who realized they have to convert the federal warlords, to a novel platform other than democracy: so that they still can maintain their imperial rule. Hence what was then borrowed, was from the neighboring Soviet Revolution, in form of Communism.

Jiang had studied in Moscow in 1923, and then ran the Whampoa Military Academy, which was set up and funded by the USSR to train GMD officers. Despite his Soviet links, however, Jiang was not a communist. Indeed, he became increasingly anti-communist, and began his leadership of the GMD by removing communists from key positions in the party. He stopped short of breaking off the alliance with the communists/the imperialists.

False front created by CCP, resulted in destruction of warlords, however what had united the CCP and the GMD, i.e. the fight against the warlords was over, and ideology divided the two parties. The success of the Northern Expedition had been not only due to nationalist ambitions, it was also because of the communist promise of land to the peasants and industrial ownership to workers.

What was the promise of democracy and industrialization by Jiang’s nationalist forces, was countered by CCP-imperialists promise of lands to peasants, and industrial ownership. We know the same never materialized, land and industries belong to state now, and not to masses, this is how Imperialist-CCP fooled all in the civil war, that resulted in Nationalists fleeing to Taiwan.

In this ruse, PLA was created as the armed wing to resist Nationalist and military, not to further sovereignty of China, but to further aims of CCP communist party officials, who were the earlier Manchu Imperialists.

Barrier Troops to Mow down Withdrawing PLA Soldiers

Conscription by CCP during civil war, was a deadly affair, in which men were kidnapped for the army, rounded up indiscriminately by press-gangs or army units among those on the roads or in the towns and villages, or otherwise gathered together.

Many men, some the very young and old, were killed resisting or trying to escape. Once collected, they would be roped or chained together and marched, with little food or water, long distances to camp.

They often died or were killed by CCP Communist party members along the way, sometimes less than 50 percent reaching camp alive. Their recruit camp was no better, with hospitals resembling Nazi concentration camps like Buchenwald.  4,212,000 dead in total, just during conscription.

Any withdrawal was met by barrage of fire from the barrier troops, to discourage desertion, since Chinese troops of PLA found little reason in killing their fellow nationalists. That was a crude way of winning a Civil War, even though by attrition, does that stand true, when they are unnecessarily pitted against Vietnamese, Philippinos, Mayanmar , Chinese Nationalists of Taiwan or battle hardened Japanese, Australian, US or Indian Armed Forces?


PLA Soldiers Laying down their Life for Grandiose-Ego of Xi Jinping?

“The move to include ‘development interests’ as a reason for armed mobilization and war in the law would provide legal grounds for the country to launch war in the legitimate name of defending national development interests,” a present day Nationalist says.

Once control over all of China was won and consolidated, and the proper party machinery and instruments of control were generally in place, the Communist-Royal Imperialists launched numerous movements to systematically destroy the traditional Chinese social and political system, so they cannot be challenged in any near future.

This resulted in final, total collectivization of the peasants and the so called “Great Leap Forward”, wherein instead of giving ownership of land and wealth, they destroyed the agricultural system, causing the world’s greatest recorded famine: 27,000,000 starved to death

Because it was not the common man Chinese’s war. It was war for the Cruel Chinese imperialists-turned-Communists, to stamp out Chinese nationalists and get their Imperial rule back in China, in garb of communism.

This is what Xi Jinping is falling back to, after a gap of 100 years. Not because sovereignty of China is threatened in any manner. But to satisfy Grandiose-Ego and ostentatious world-domination fantasy of another imperialist Xi Jinping, posing again as a Communist.

Instead of gaining ascendency in terms of technology, tactics, superior diplomacy, CCP aims to used crude middle age tactics like in ladakh, and make the PLA soldier a scapegoat. Chinese soldier in Ladakh is not fighting for Sovereignty of China but for corruption and self-furtherance of CCP communists like Xi Jinping.

And he knows, India has through centuries respected other’s sovereignty and defended its own ruthlessly. Hence question of Honor of serving China is not at stake for  soldier in Ladakh, but what is at stake is fantasy ridden Global Domination fantasy of Xi Jinping. He is not going to put his life at stake, for a stupid man’s fantasy, even if that nut case is his President Xi Jinping.

Since 1949 the Chinese communist CCP has killed from approx 5,999,000 to 102,671,000 people; a prudent estimate is 35,236,000. When added to the number they murdered in previous years, the communists likely killed 38,702,000 Chinese, Tibetans, and other minorities.

Xi Jinping is adamant on increasing that tally manifolds, not to be killed in action, but to be massacred by its own CCP Communists.

07 Jan 21/ Thursday                                                                                                   Written By: Fayaz

Reading too much into Trump’s Tibetan policy

Will it make any difference to the lives of those Tibetans who live in Tibet

Donald Trumps’ last blow to China, while he is leaving the White House soon is his signing the legislation (Tibetan Policy and Support Act of 2020). The law supports Tibetan’s rights to choose the 14th Dalai Lama’s successor. But as anticipated, it is being vehemently criticised by China, branding all issues related to Tibet, Taiwan, and Hong Kong as their internal matters. Not surprisingly, with this the long-standing demand of choosing the 15th Dalai Lama by the Tibetan’s scattered worldwide or those who live in Tibet has been though endorsed by the president Trump, but the question is will this legislation deter China that already seems not too alarmed or careful about Washington’s global diktats (even not about South China Sea issue). The crude and bitter reality remains that, the whole world has not been able to stop China from its inflicting massive atrocities against the helpless Uighurs and using Tibetan land for whatever it likes like a testing lab for forced labour, torture camps, and indoctrination, what they beautifully call re-education now. The fact is that China doesn’t come under any international pressure even if Trump or whole world labels Corona as the Chinese Virus). China promptly reacted by reiterating that US should stop meddling in China’s internal matters. While it had already started to manipulate the Dalai Lama institution (i.e., Gedhun Choekyi- then just 6 was the chosen 11th Panchen Lamain 1995 but was abducted along with his family and still remains missing) and the process to choose their own pro-China Dalai Lama was ongoing, the question is, will such a strong and open support to Tibetan Dalai Lama institution help Tibetan cause or will it address the prolonged Tibetan refugee, identity, and livelihood crises? Will it make any difference in the lives of those Tibetans who live in Tibet under Chinese diktats or solve any of the problems that Tibetan refugees are beset with in alien lands? Also, will it check the China’s demographic engineering which is repeatedly destroying Tibet’s ethnic makeup in TAR (Tibetan autonomous region) and alongside, save Tibet’s rich resources and environment from just being the dragon’s dumping ground of plastic and other harmful waste. I seriously doubt! Though the recent legislation talks of environmental concern even includes sanctioning Chinese officials (actually some visa restrictions), if they try to appoint next Dalai Lama. What will United States do if China continues its evil designs in Tibetan territory, and will China give any credence to such sanctions is also doubtful; since China now sees itself as the only competitor (even EU recognises the rise of China) to USA’s global hegemony and has earlier proved that it can bypass any US sanctions (bought oil from Iran and even got away with it and still trades secretly with North Korea and bypasses US decrees always)? The worry is, will it be feasible to contain today’s China that is over ambitious, muscular, and militarily crazy for its expansionist strategy to gain supremacy in Asia and the world.

Also, the question is that are Tibetan’s and their organizations reading too much into this law, since the change of guard is about to happen in USA and will the new regime in US follow Trump’s plans religiously? Though it can be safely argued that USA’s policy on Tibet seems stronger than ever before, but Biden’s foreign policy too is in offing and will see some changes regarding its Asian vision for sure. Should this development be also seen as Trump’s deliberate attempt to make the road for US-China bilateral relations more thorny for the upcoming Biden regime? How will such rough postures influence the upcoming Biden government and the bilateral relations and will a new China-US offensive discourse emerge out of it, remains to be seen. Also, is the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) based in Dharamsala, India overestimating the legislation by describing it as a victory for the Tibetan freedom struggle? Should Tibetologists and analysts take it as CTA’s hoping against hope? Has the new law that somehow focuses on the religious freedom of Tibetans have anything to do with the Tibet’s freedom struggle or has USA even urged its support for Tibet’s Liberation from Chinese yoke practically beyond some words of sympathy and refugee aid? Even if Tibetan’s choose their 15th Dalai Lama of their own, without Chinese interference, will it anyway undermine China’s physical and actual iron fist control of the Tibetan territory and people as the dragon has virtually eaten and exploited it all? Should CTA change its goal posts and persuade the world about the seriousness of the Tibet issue rather than rejoicing over a simple law enacted far away from China and celebrated by those who are far away in exile?  Has Dalai Lama’s middle path approach worked so far while China converted whole of the TAR into a security orbit. Is it what Lobsang Sangay-the CTA president calls a momentous landmark for the Tibetan people?Therefore, should Tibetan community across religious and ethnic and class diversities (i.e.,Tibetan Muslims and others well settled and permanent residents in other countries) ask for more from the global powers? Lastly, should India join the fray, and can it afford any excessive posturing towards Tibetans, especially at this juncture and support the legislation and make its own new stand on Tibet without caring for the 2003 bilateral document (supposedly, that agrees TAR as Chinese territory) owing to Galwan face off, and China’s consistent non-commitment on border peace, or let US face the dragon on her own. As already the Chinese embassy has asked Indian media (indirectly the government) to stay away from Tibet issue, is a sort of warning that it might damage the bilateral ties (which stand diminished by Chinese incursions). Has the time come to start reassessing our ties with China and change the view towards looking at the dragon that never sticks to a rule-based relations, and has started deciding unilaterally on all matters in Asia? Thus, there are endless questions but without answers.

Based out of the capital city of Lhasa, the 645,000-square-meter Data Centre is being developed by Ningsuan Technologies, a Chinese Sate Bankrolled firm, and first started construction in 2017. The facility is scheduled to finish by 2025 -26.

Cheered by Chinese president as a bridge to South Asian countries,  as trade and investment between China and other BRI countries is given a blushing rosy look, for furthering the Debt Trap.

Why the same was alternatively not planned for BRIs of Pakistan, Nepal, Mayanmar, Afghanistan or Kyrgyzstan, or the obvious geographical contender,-Sri Lanka?

The Frozen plateau of Tibet needs a Data Centre? rather than sustainable, and locals benefitting trade and infrastructure push.

Without technological base, is it a matter of cheer for the Tibetans? Are they going to occupy the sparkling infrastructure or professionals from Han China shall be asked to settle there, with revenues going to go to a private pocket, ultimately to the corrupt coffers of CPC?

Sinification of Buddhism

Destruction of religion and Culture Intended: Just like in Nepal

On Communist Party of China’s directions, UCPN (Maoist) have been speaking out against religious festivals of Nepal. Communist party members routinely engage in denouncing cultural traditions such as deusi and bhailo that actually extend the reach of the Hindu cultural hegemons in Nepal.

They insist that the cultural revolution lags behind Maoist political revolution.

According to a UCPN (Maoists) party official, UCPN feels financial burden for most people: “No one who is concerned for the welfare of the people will insist that everyone should celebrate Dasain”.

Similar is the planning for Tibetans.

For China, showcasing smiling Tibetans, singing the Communist Party’s praises, helps affirm its legitimacy to rule the region, something that’s weighed on Beijing’s ties with the West since a failed uprising in 1959 forced the Dalai Lama to flee and set up a government-in-exile in India.

It’s become more important recently as politicians in the U.S., Europe and India accuse China of using forced labor, detentions and re-education campaigns to assimilate ethnic minorities in Tibet and East Turkestan(Xin Jiang).

Tibetan arm-twisted poster boys of Xi Jinping sing Xi-Tunes in similar Beijing pitch: and go gaga to foreign journalists on a government-sponsored tour, how much the Communist Party has improved life and how irrelevant religion has become for him.

On Dalai Lama : “I never met him and I don’t understand him.”

And Buddhism, the religion that has for thousands of years, been the foundation of Tibetan culture? “I spend most of my time and energy now on work and making a living,” he said. “There’s less time to spend on religion.”

China’s Need to Obliterate a Nation’s Pride First

“Divide and Rule”

At a meeting on Tibet issues in August this year , Xi told officials to “actively force Tibetan Buddhism to adapt to socialist society, and promote the Sinofication of Tibetan Buddhism.”

In Tibet, ethnic Tibetans comprise about 90% of the 3.5 million people and whose language bears no relation to Chinese, most are Buddhists, and consider the Dalai Lama their spiritual head and their political leader.

There are recurrent re-education falsities levied against Busshists-Dalai Lama, as are the falsities levied against Nepal’s culture and traditions, terming them as being against people.

Is it the same vicious argument, that Left Politics have been generating agenda against India’s culture and traditions: sometimes pitching Muslims against Hindus, or Dalits against upper classes or North Indians against South Indians and more lately Nationalists against Leftists.

Of course, a divided society is easy to fracture, if the ultimate goal is to get the many smaller Indian states into Chinese dominion(“Bharat tere tukde honge” is less symbolic, and more factual essence of Chinese Maoist interference of China, in India).

As well as Pakistan, Tibet, East Turkestan-Uyghur lands, Bangladesh, Myanmar and Nepal under its direct dominion.

Ready for Colonization and abuse of manpower and resources, in garb of some Money? East India Company did it in India, why can’t Xi and his state-owned business front ends do it now.


A data center in Tibet, is as preposterous a welfare measure, as growing a kitchen garden for a Domesticated Wildcat.

Like in CPEC and BRI’s of Pakistan, China, and elsewhere, technology is not transferred to the native population, the same is given job and sourced from Main Land China. It implies all technical man resource is China’s own, while the natives are shown a pipe dream of a rich future.

This way only colonization happens, and that is what exactly the smokescreen China is creating, to arrest the secessionist call in Tibet for the time being, while it creates a demographic tilt for Han Chinese’s physical occupation of key regions in Tibet.

First is to replace the cultural cohesion and identity, with dream of money and lifestyle.

When the smokescreen is lifted, China shall all guns blazing, decimating any organized resistance, as by that time, notion of a Cultural and ethnic Tibet, Pakistan or Nepal shall cease to exist.

What China wants to hide, is the fact that development only coexists with Cultural and ethnic identity of a people, while colonization essentially needs national and cultural identity divided and out of the way.

01 Nov 20/Sunday                                                                                      Written By: Fayaz

Tibet Demography Alteration Bid by the Dragon

Data Centre Smokescreen


Countering China is now a priority for both India and US. But only one needs the other

There are two necessities for India to counter China and both require depending on American power.

Irrespective of who wins the American presidential election next week, India’s strategic circumstance will not change. The huge — and still-growing —imbalance of power in favour of China, and its containment strategy against India, is a reality that will persist for the foreseeable future. This means that India’s primary objective of countering China on both these fronts will also persist. The US is essential to this task. Simply put, New Delhi will have to work to intensify US-India strategic cooperation with the next American president — whether it’s Donald Trump or Joe Biden who wins next Tuesday.

Equally, countering China will be an imperative for the US too. Irrespective of the election result, the condition that the US finds itself in will not change. This is one in which America’s relative power vis-à-vis China is declining. And it will decline much more precipitously if the US does not step up to counter China. Though there is an intense debate among American analysts, as well as within the Democratic Party, about America’s China options, Beijing’s behaviour is itself limiting these options.

Surely, there are differences between how Trump and Biden will run American foreign policy. But there are only two issues regarding the US that India needs to be concerned about. The first is whether the US has the power to counter China; and the second is whether it has the willingness to do so.

India needs US help with LAC 

There are two necessities for India to counter China’s power and both require American support. The first, and most important, is directly shielding India from China’s military, economic and diplomatic power. India has considerable military power and is much better prepared today than it was in 1962, and perhaps even a decade before that, especially in terms of border infrastructure. But the military balance is a moving target, and it is moving much faster and more adversely than anyone could have anticipated. While the Indian military may be able to give a good account of itself today along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), doing so will become more difficult with time. China spends nearly four times as much as India does on its military; in fact, China spends more than all the other major powers in Asia, combined.

This will eventually have an impact on the military balance at the border, as Chinese forces invest in higher technology in greater quantities. Even if India’s large military precludes any need for the US or anyone else to send military forces to bolster Indian defences, New Delhi will still need American assistance to ensure that a rapidly modernising People’s Liberation Army (PLA) does not gain advantage at the LAC. In addition, US intelligence assistance can bolster Indian efforts, and US diplomatic help will be necessary to hold China off in multilateral forums. This requires a long term partnership with the US, irrespective of who is in the White House.

Stop Chinese ‘hegemony’ in its tracks

The second Indian imperative is ensuring that China does not transform its regional power dominance into hegemony. Simply defined, Chinese hegemony is a condition in which Asian countries choose to submit to Chinese preferences because they have no other sensible choices. Even though India’s primary interest is national security rather than the shape of the international or regional order, these merge in the case of the Indo-Pacific because Chinese hegemony over Asia will be greatly harmful to Indian interests. China will attempt to seek hegemony in Asia for some time, and the only power that can prevent it is the US. Once again, it matters little who is in the White House.

China’s power dominance has become an even bigger problem because it continues to demonstrate, almost on a daily basis, that it intends to use its power with little regard to the interests or sentiments of others, both in its neighbourhood and even far from it. In one sense, this is fortunate because China’s crude exercise of power leaves little room for doubt about whether India can accommodate China. India has been reluctant to reach this conclusion but it is clear that China will continue to push India and everyone else towards this path. It would have been a lot more difficult if China had behaved with greater sensitivity and masked the danger that it poses.

US, the other big question

Despite the relative decline in American power, there is little doubt that the US is still the only nation capable of countering China’s military, economic and diplomatic power. And that’s why it would be difficult for India to counter China without the American support. The real question, however, is whether the US is willing. That is the reason for much of the debate in the US.

Although this is a question that Americans have to decide themselves, it is worth remembering that the domestic American questioning of its global commitment is at least partly the result of the perception that American allies are exploitative free-riders. This is not entirely true, of course, because the US garners great benefits from its leadership position that are not easily enumerable. Still, it does not help when American partners demonstrate reluctance to pay their share of the common defence or appear to undermine American interests. This is less an Indian problem, but its effect washes over New Delhi nevertheless.

Equally, it is vital for New Delhi to recognise that all partnerships are of limited scope. The primary reason for an alignment with the US is to counter China, even if it is not polite to say that out loud. India and the US can, and probably will, disagree on a number of other issues, including Kashmir, Pakistan, Afghanistan and possibly Indian domestic affairs. But neither side should let these differences come in the way of their more critical cooperation on dealing with China. This is particularly so for India. The US has other allies it can depend upon, but India does not. In the worst case, the US can pull up the drawbridges and retreat. This will be costly to American power, but that will be nothing compared to the consequences for India and the Indo-Pacific.

29 Oct 20/Thursday                                          Source: The Print 

How Xinjiang’s gulag tears families apart

So many parents have been locked up that officials struggle to cope with the left-behind children

China not committed to curbing terrorism but using Pakistan as tool against India: Report

Pakistan appears to be counting on China to diplomatically shield Islamabad from accountability for its terror activities while Beijing’s desire is to use terrorism as a tool to counter India, according to Public Policy Researcher Michael Rubin.

In an opinion piece for The Washington Examiner, Rubin said, “Beijing appears less committed to counterterrorism and more to a desire to use Pakistani terrorism as a tool to harass India with whom it is locked in a border clash in Ladakh.”

“The reality of both great power competition and China’s efforts to undermine and replace the post-World War II liberal order is that they occur on a number of fronts. Increasingly, it appears the FATF is one of them. Rather than make substantial reforms, Pakistani officials appear to be counting on the fact that China will go to bat for them diplomatically and shield Pakistan from accountability,” he added.

This statement comes ahead of the conclusion of the plenary meeting of FATF, which is expected to take a decision on Pakistan’s compliance of the action plan and whether it will remain in Grey List or Black List.

The global money-laundering and terror-financing watchdog, is holding its plenary session from October 21 will decide the fate of Pakistan.

Talking about the meeting (last month) between Chinese Envoy Yao Jing with Pakistan’s special adviser for finance, Abdul Hafeez Sheikh, Rubin said: “both the representatives reportedly talked far less about FATF commitments and more about the USD 60 billion China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), whose success depends on Pakistan’s economic solvency and its escape from accountability to the FATF.”

He further said China’s vote on Pakistan’s FATF status on Friday will show how Beijing subordinates the “liberal order” for its “narrow interests.”

“…China’s action and the Friday vote on the question of Pakistan’s FATF status will be as much about countering terror finance as they are about whether China will use its membership in yet another international body to corrupt it beyond recognition, the goal being to subordinate the liberal order to Beijing’s narrow interests,” he said.

Early this month, the FATF’s Asia Pacific Group (APG) on Money Laundering has kept Pakistan on “Enhanced Follow-up List” for its slow progress on the technical recommendations of the FATF to fight terror financing. Pakistan’s progress has remained unchanged — non-compliant on four counts.

The three-day plenary meeting will conclude on Friday. The country is in FATF’s grey-list since 2018.

23 Oct 20/Friday                                              Source: catchnews

For zumrat dawut’s three children, Fridays were terrifying. That was the day when officials would question students at their schools in Urumqi, the regional capital of Xinjiang in China’s far west. The interrogators were looking for clues about their lives at home. They wanted to know whether parents prayed or used Islamic greetings at home, or talked to the children about the prophet Muhammad. The information they gleaned could result in a family member being sent to a “vocational training centre”, the government’s euphemism for a camp in Xinjiang’s new gulag.

As Ms Dawut describes it, ethnic Uyghurs like her were under constant watch. Her children suffered the effects as much as their parents. Every Monday they were not in school she had to take them to the courtyard of her block of flats to watch the raising of China’s flag, whether in freezing winter temperatures or in blazing summer heat. Participants were careful to look cheerful. Not only were the officials watching for signs of dissatisfaction; every family had to keep an eye on ten neighbouring families, and report anything suspicious by putting notes in a box at each ceremony.

It is impossible to verify individual accounts of the horrors that have been unfolding over the past three years in Xinjiang as a result of these incarcerations, or what the government calls job training and “deradicalisation”. Foreign journalists who visit the region are kept under intense surveillance, which makes interviews potentially perilous for those they try to talk to. Yet government documents and the accounts of witnesses provide damning evidence that the stories of people like Ms Dawut are not only credible, but typical. They show how the attempt to erase Uyghurs’ distinctive cultural identity and crush their Islamic faith has not only caused immense suffering for the more than one-in-ten Uyghurs who have been sent to the camps, but has also blighted the lives of their hundreds of thousands of children.

This report draws on records compiled by officials in rural communities in southern Xinjiang where many of the Uyghurs live (see map). They were given to The Economist by Adrian Zenz, a German scholar whose research, using satellite imagery and government documents, has been instrumental in confirming the proliferation and purpose of the camps. The files were downloaded (without hacking) from online networks used by local-government work groups in their fight against poverty. Uyghur exiles interviewed for this story asked that their names not be used, and that other details which could be used to identify them be withheld. Many of those who have escaped China fear that speaking out will endanger family and friends in China.

Yarkand, a county in Kashgar prefecture on the southern rim of the Taklimakan desert, has about 900,000 residents. Of them, roughly 100,000 are children in grades one to six (ie, aged between about seven and 12). In 2018 more than 9,500 of these students were recorded at one point as being single-hardship or double-hardship (822 were of the double kind). All of those children were Uyghurs, apart from 11 who were of Kazakh or Tajik ethnicity—two mostly Muslim groups whose members account for less than 1% of the population of Yarkand. Not a single Han child had a parent in custody. These data, if extrapolated across Xinjiang, imply that around 250,000 of the region’s nearly 3m Uyghurs under the age of 15 have had one or both parents interned. As Mr Zenz notes in a paper published as The Economist went to press, 880,500 children had been placed in boarding facilities by the end of 2019, an increase of nearly 383,000 since 2017.

The tearing apart of Uyghur families has been so rapid that local governments have struggled to accommodate the surge in the number of children who have lost parents to internment. Indeed, the documents show that some double-hardship children have been placed in institutions meant for children whose parents have died or left them. Governments are rapidly expanding and transforming primary schools into boarding facilities, many of them with high-security fences. Even pre-kindergartens are being adapted for boarding. Infants only a few months old have been placed in them. In Xinjiang, the floor-space of student dormitories in boarding schools grew by more than 30% in 2019 compared with less than 5% in China as a whole (see chart).

In Kashgar and other mainly Uyghur regions the authorities plan to send all hardship students above third grade to such schools. Schools are under orders to observe such children closely. In 2018 the government of Kashgar city, the capital of the prefecture of that name, said they should receive “psychological counselling”. It said teachers must “resolutely put an end to negligence in monitoring students in distress” and told them to “eliminate the negative impact on personality development” caused by separation from parents.

Students are even encouraged to write letters and send short videos to their parents in camps and prisons. Near the end of her time as an inmate, Ms Dawut says those detainees who were deemed well-behaved were allowed to have live video chats with their families. They would be provided with ordinary clothes and told to speak positively about their experience.

But such tightly controlled communications are no remedy for the pain. The trauma experienced by many children was conveyed in an online article last year by an ethnic-Han teacher at a school in Kashgar. She wrote of an impoverished girl, her father interned and her mother in a far-off city, often hungry and inadequately clothed, being beaten by her stepmother. She said that when sirens blared outside the school—a frequent occurrence—students would rush to the window, wondering, the teacher believed, whether one of their parents was about to be taken away.

Assaults on family life continue after children have left school. When Uyghur girls grow old enough to wed (the legal age for which is 20 in China), they can expect to be cajoled by officials into marrying Han men. Nowadays refusal can incur retribution for the woman’s family. Even as the government eases its limits on family size elsewhere in China, in Xinjiang it is tightening such controls, imposing fines and other sanctions on Uyghur couples who have more than two children, or three if they live in the countryside. Uyghur women are being fitted with intrauterine devices at a rate far higher than in China as a whole, according a report in June by the Associated Press, citing findings by Mr Zenz.

Women with three children are at greatest risk of being forcibly sterilised. Ms Dawut says she was subjected to such treatment in 2018. After she recounted her ordeal at an American-government panel last year on the sidelines of the un, media in China released a video of Ms Dawut’s brother. In it he said she had not been to one of the camps and had not been sterilised. She says she is willing to be examined medically to prove the latter. But the statistics are telling enough: birth rates among Uyghurs in Xinjiang have plummeted, official figures show. In Kashgar and the neighbouring prefecture of Hotan, they fell by more than 60% between 2015 and 2018.


Officials try to deflect criticism of the harm they are inflicting on families. They suggest they are protecting children from the “three evils” of terrorism, separatism and religious extremism—and taking better care of them. In 2018 Xinjiang Daily, a state newspaper, described a visit by Zhu Hailun, the deputy party chief of Xinjiang and an architect of the gulag scheme, to a “Kindness Pre-school” at a camp in Hotan. He was told that the children, some aged less than a year, all had parents who could not take care of them “for various reasons”. The report said the children were being given necessities free of charge. They were gaining weight, growing taller and quickly learning Mandarin, it crowed.

As elsewhere in China, Xinjiang has been stepping up efforts to banish ethnic-minority languages from schools—a policy that has recently triggered protests by parents in Inner Mongolia, a northern region. One purported aim is to give non-Han children a better chance of success in their careers, given the importance of Mandarin in many jobs. But it is also about diluting minority identity. The authorities in Xinjiang are very keen to achieve that. The Uyghur language is Turkic and the customs and religion of Uyghurs appear more foreign to most Han Chinese than do those of Tibetans or ethnic Mongols. As the authorities see it (even if they are careful not to declare it so), fighting separatism in Xinjiang also involves a cultural war.

Until early this century, schools in Uyghur-dominated regions mostly employed ethnic Uyghurs who taught in the local language. A former educator in Xinjiang, who fled China in 2017 to escape persecution, says it became obvious before he left that schools were trying to recruit more ethnic-Han teachers. Job ads called for a proficiency in Mandarin attained by few Uyghurs, and no longer required that applicants have a local residency permit. By the time he left China, he says, the only local-language course left in the curriculum was Uyghur literature. Many Uyghur teachers had been pushed out of their jobs. Some had been sent to the camps (one simple method for disqualifying Uyghur teachers was a “political investigation” to determine whether anyone in their home had been in trouble with the authorities).

Building new accommodation for 10,000 Uyghurs—2018 and now

In 2017 a primary school in the Kashgar township of Tokzake issued a plan for creating a “completely Chinese-speaking school environment”. The document, obtained by Mr Zenz, said any use of Uyghur by teachers or students should be treated as a “serious teaching incident”. An article on the website of People’s Daily, the party’s main mouthpiece, called the school the “epitome of rural education in Kashgar”.

At the boarding schools where hardship children are sent, the plunge into a Mandarin environment is likely to exacerbate the pain of separation from their families. But having to grapple with a strange language is only part of the remoulding they face. Some Han teachers in Xinjiang have posted videos on social media to show how “interethnic unity” is promoted in schools, with Uyghur students sometimes required to wear traditional Han costumes and sing patriotic songs. Teachers who are Han wield considerable power on account of their ethnicity. The one whose student had been beaten by her stepmother wrote that she had warned the guardian that if she beat the child again, she would report her and possibly get her sent to a camp.

The government insists that its measures are working. It points to the absence of any terrorist incident in Xinjiang since 2017, when the camp-building programme began. Last month, in a white paper on Xinjiang, it said residents’ “sense of gain, happiness and security” had “significantly increased” thanks to employment-boosting measures such as the provision of vocational training. It said Xinjiang had given such coaching to nearly 1.3m people a year between 2014 and 2019, but did not specify how it was administered. Last year officials claimed everyone had “graduated” from the camps, but the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a think-tank, has identified dozens of new detention centres being built in the past two years. It says some inmates are being moved from vocational-training camps to higher-security facilities such as the one pictured near Kashgar.

Ms Dawut says she is still haunted by her experience in a camp. Every day she would gather in a classroom with women from several other cells, where they would have to study “Xi Jinping Thought”. As they left, guards would ask them, “Is there a God?” A “yes” would earn a beating. Then they would ask if there was a Xi Jinping, Ms Dawut recalls, in tears. “They said, ‘Your God cannot get you out of here, but Xi Jinping has done so much for you.”

16 Oct 20/Friday                                                                                         Source: The Economist

Dragon’s games

Taiwan has lived independently but in fear since 1949 because China has always claimed suzerainty over the island and has said more than once that it would be justified in even using force to reclaim it.

While attention in India is riveted on the tense border with China in Ladakh, this is not the only theatre where the dragon is ratcheting up pressure as it seeks to extend its frontiers.

Over the weekend, the Chinese reportedly sent waves of aircraft menacingly close to Taiwan in an apparent bid to intimidate a territory it claims as its own. Taiwan has lived independently but in fear since 1949 because China has always claimed suzerainty over the island and has said more than once that it would be justified in even using force to reclaim it.

The weekend actions followed what Beijing perceives as increased American support to Taiwan, which has been visited twice in recent weeks by senior officials from Washington. In August, Health Secretary Alex Azar had visited Taipei ostensibly to learn how Taiwan had managed the coronavirus outbreak. Last week, Undersecretary for Economic Affairs, Keith Krach, visited the island amid reports that the United States is planning arms sales to Taiwan.

With the convoluted logic that Beijing follows in all matters relating to Taiwan, it sees these actions as provocations, to be countered with the sort of belligerence it exhibited over the weekend. Such brinkmanship – as is involved in sending squadrons jets screaming towards Taiwan – is fraught with risk because the two countries do not have an official dialogue mechanism.

Taiwan of late has started to scramble its own aircraft to counter the Chinese actions, which means that one rash step could easily trigger a crisis. Any conflict between the two, while heavily loaded in favour of China, will severely impact Asia, and may force the United States, which has played a key role in raising temperatures, to intervene. It would be rash to predict how events will unfold thereafter, but clearly peace and tranquillity in the region will be disturbed. China’s increasing aggression may be backed, as it claims, by historical claims but seems to be guided entirely by contemporary geopolitics.

While all countries around the world struggle to cope with the coronavirus pandemic, which originated from China and has now been controlled there, the dragon has sought to play on the vulnerabilities of its neighbours with aggression. There was no logical reason for this summer’s incursions in Ladakh, nor for the exaggerated rhetoric on maritime disputes in the South China Sea.

Now the steady stepping up of tensions with Taiwan suggests Beijing sees an opportunity in the travails of its neighbours. It also realises that there is today no country capable of exercising effective moral or military counter pressure, nor indeed a global body that could intervene to knock sanity into the heads of China’s leaders, a severely emaciated United Nations having long abandoned its responsibility. In the circumstances, countries such as Taiwan and India, and others that are likely to be targeted next, must create a confluence of interests to safeguard themselves.

23 Sep 2020/Wednesday                                                                                                                                           Source:  Thestatesman                                                                                                         

The Uyghurs: The Forgotten Muslims

The Uyghurs or Uighurs are a Turkic-speaking people with a Sunni Muslim majority, living in the Uyghur autonomous region of Xinjiang, China and Central Asia. They are one of the fifty-six nationalities officially recognized by the People’s Republic of China. They are related to the Uzbeks and their language is Uyghur.

Originally from a region located between the Selenga (in Mongolia) and Lake Baikal (now Buryatia, in Russia), they founded the Uyghur Khaganate, located in present-day Mongolia, which is the cradle of their civilization. Allies of the Chinese against the Tibetan Empire, the khaganate was destroyed in the 19th century by the Kyrgyz, forcing them to go further south.

Estimates of their population range up to 25 million, while China estimates their numbers at 12 million within its borders. According to the Uyghur Human Rights Project, based in Washington, D.C., the Chinese government has placed Uighurs in internment camps since 2014.

Are Muslims uninterested in the fate of the Uyghurs in China?

In a controversial message in December 2019, Turkish-born German footballer Mesut Ozil deplored that “Muslims remain silent” in the face of the violent repression of Uyghurs, Muslims, and Turkish speakers in China.

“Korans are burned … mosques destroyed … Islamic schools banned … religious intellectuals killed one after the other … Brothers sent by force to camps ...” At issue: China’s repression of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, where Beijing is accused of having interned up to one million Muslims.

This message provoked strong reactions since its broadcast on Twitter and Instagram. The following day, London club Arsenal distanced itself from the words of its midfielder, while China suggested, two days later, that he go to Xinjiang. But Mesut Ozil’s indignation was not only aimed at Beijing. He strongly lamented Muslims’ lack of solidarity.

Only Turkey has openly supported the Uyghurs, a Turkish-speaking minority—the footballer Mesut Ozil is a close associate of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. But for some observers, Ankara’s isolation on the international scene indicates its growing need for Chinese support, and therefore its greater discretion on the subject in recent months.

“No government in Muslim countries has reacted – except Turkey in February 2019, but it immediately withdrew and since then there has been total silence,” confirms Dilnur Reyhan, president of the Uyghur Institute of Europe. In May 2019, this INALCO teacher published a column in L’Obs provocatively titled: “Muslim world, I don’t wish you a good Ramadan.” However, “it hasn’t changed much since then,” she deplores.

In France, the main Muslim federations have not reacted to the Uyghurs’ repression, so far rarely mentioned by the usual community accounts on social networks. However, some videos have been widely shared recently, such as those of two imams with a strong following on the Internet: Abdelmonaim Boussenna and Mohamed Nadhir.

Economic, ideological, and political drivers of silence

How to explain the low mobilization of Muslims for the Uyghurs? First of all, the obvious: In commercial matters, China is not Burma. “China imports more than half of its oil consumption; however, in recent years, between a quarter and a third of its annual imports come from the monarchies of the Gulf,” explains political scientist and sinologist Remi Castets, from the University Bordeaux Montaigne.

“Beijing is too valuable an economic partner for these countries to take the risk of accusing it. This is called Realpolitik.

“The ideological and political factor could also explain the silence of Muslim governments,” continues Remi Castets. “China defends an alternative model to Western democracy. Some authoritarian regimes, such as Egypt, for example, are thus in solidarity with Beijing by convergence of interests on the political model.”

To add salt to injury, 37 other countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Egypt, Algeria, and Pakistan, joined Russia and North Korea in supporting Beijing. They congratulated China for “its remarkable human rights achievements.” In their letter, these countries “note that terrorism, separatism and religious extremism have caused enormous damage to all ethnic groups in Xinjiang” and support a “series of counter-terrorism and de-radicalization measures” in the region.

Reyhan sees this as the result of “long-term work” that China has done since the late 1990s. “All of these countries share a dictatorial or totalitarian system, politically close to China and not very concerned about human rights; they all depend or need China economically,” she denounces. Faced with the economic stakes, the fact of “sharing the same religion does not weigh in,” she points out with vehemence.

Inseparable part of the Chinese territory

“Xinjiang has long been an inseparable part of the Chinese territory,” insists an official Chinese propaganda document (white paper). It also points out, with force, that this Muslim territory “never bore the so-called name of ‘East Turkestan’.” As for the “Uyghur ethnic group,” it “was formed through a long process of migration and integration” and “is part of the Chinese nation.”

“It is a propaganda document, which diverts facts, relays lies about Uyghur history, and does not deserve any credit,” says sociologist Reyhan, a professor at the National Institute of Oriental Languages and Civilizations (INALCO) and Uyghur herself.

With regard to the white paper’s assertion that “Islam is neither an indigenous belief system nor the only one of the Uyghur population,” the researcher recalls that “the Uyghurs experimented with several religions such as Buddhism, Christianity and shamanism before converting to Islam in the 10th century.” 

Uyghurs from different parts of the Uyghur country converted at different times and in different ways. “For more than 1,000 years, Islam has been an integral part of Uyghur culture and identity,” she says, denouncing China’s “paternalistic and colonialist attitude.”

The facade of ‘preventing terrorism’

The publication of this white paper — the second since the beginning of the year on the subject, notes Dilnur Reyhan — reveals, in hollow, the will of the Chinese authorities to legitimize their policy of “sinicization” of Xinjiang, weakened by the criticism of human rights activists and even part of the international community.

Its traditional argument — the “preventive struggle against possible terrorist acts” — is not enough to justify its policy of repression and surveillance in the region. “It is therefore urgently seeking other arguments in order to reach its final goal, which is to eradicate Uighur culture and identity,” the sociologist asserts.

Unfortunately for this religious minority, the international community is finding it difficult to speak with one voice on the subject. In a letter addressed to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights published on July 10, 2019, some twenty countries — mainly Western — denounced the internment of Uyghurs. They expressed “concern about credible reports of arbitrary detentions (…), as well as widespread surveillance and restrictions, particularly targeting Uighurs and other minorities in Xinjiang.”

China is an enemy of freedom of thought. It wants the same from other powerful nations

It would be a strategic error of historic proportions to limit the understanding of China’s rise as merely a clash of interests.

A demonstrator holds a poster at a protest to show support for the Uighurs and their struggle for human rights in Hong Kong on December 22, 2019

Ethnic cleansing, the Chinese way

Revelations published on November 16, 2019 by the New York Times (and those of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, or ICIJ), were picked up by seventeen media including Le Monde on November 24, 2019. They are based on hundreds of pages of leaked Chinese Communist Party documents, detailing the organization and deliberations behind the mass detentions in the re-education camps for Muslims in China’s Xinjiang province, where the majority of prisoners are members of the Uighur ethnic group.

In this regard, ICIJ writes: “A newly leaked document from Xinjiang listing personal details of hundreds of individuals detained in the region’s Qaraqash county offers new insights into China’s campaign of repression against Uighurs and other ethnic minorities. The document, known as the ‘Qaraqash Document’ or ‘Qaraqash List,’ shows that detainees were swept into China’s coercive re-education system for offenses related to common religious practices such as growing a beard or wearing a veil, as well as applying for a passport and not leaving the country, or having too many children in violation of China’s One Child policy.”

ICIJ continues that “the leak comes in the wake of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists’ China Cables investigation, which revealed in November 2019 the secret operations manual for the internment camps in Xinjiang.“

19 Sep 2020/ Saturday                                                                 Source:  moroccoworldnews        

There is now an abundance of analysis and commentary around the world on how countries should respond to challenges posed by China. East Asian countries are concerned about China’s aggressive military moves in the South China Sea, across the Taiwan Straits and the Sea of Japan. India is concerned about Chinese moves along the Himalayan border, across the subcontinent and in the Indian Ocean. Western Europe is having a difficult time with China-backed counterparts in Central and Eastern Europe.

The United States, for its part, has recognised that China presents a multi-dimensional strategic challenge to its global superpower status — one that manifests itself in global trade, technology, cyber and geography. What is consistent across all these perceptions of the nature of the Chinese challenges is that they are about competing interests. Territorial ambition, economic dominance, technological supremacy and a desire for hegemony are all classic manifestations of realpolitik — clashes arising from a tussle for greater power.
It would be a strategic error of historic proportions to limit the understanding of China’s rise as merely a clash of interests. It is more than that. The Communist Party of China (CPC) poses the most serious threat ever to the idea that individuals have the freedom of thought, and that this freedom must be protected by national governments, if not by the international community. It is a threat that affects the international system, national governments, markets, civil societies and indeed, every individual on the planet. Why? Because thought control is the penultimate mechanism that the CPC relies on to remain in power, the ultimate being violence.

Allure of China’s authoritarian model

It is a familiar argument that the CPC projects the legitimacy of its rule as arising from its success at achieving political stability and economic prosperity. The legitimacy narrative is true, but only part of the story. What is less articulated, but no less palpable, is that the CPC’s hold on power rests on its ability to control what the Chinese people say, do and above all, think. That is why control mechanisms remained in place even after Deng Xiaoping’s 1978 reforms, why the Great Firewall of censorship has existed since internet access became available in China, why the Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan does not have information about Uyghur Muslims’ persecution in Xinjiang, why universities in China have had to change their mission statements and why the exception that was Hong Kong had to be normalised.

Why should this concern the rest of the world? Because the CPC demands the same of other countries over which it has power. As Australians will testify, Beijing uses a number of instruments to constrain what is acceptable thinking, speech and action. In campuses across the world, a candid discussion of modern Chinese history often invites protests from Chinese student groups, wealthy ethnic-Chinese donors and the local Chinese embassy. The media in many South East Asian countries are often under pressure from their own governments to keep away from offending Beijing.

If China manages to carve out a Sinosphere in cyberspace, where its norms of citizen surveillance and censorship prevail, it would have exported its methods along with its equipment to many countries around the world. The China model will tempt power-hungry authoritarian types and oligarchic business elite around the world. The only loser in all of this is individual liberty.   

You don’t have to be China’s enemy 

Analysts from the realist tradition in international relations think, like Hans Morgenthau, that ideologies are often “pretexts and false fronts behind which the element of power, inherent in all politics, is concealed.” In a recent essay in Foreign Affairs, Ellbridge Colby and Robert Kaplan argue that “ideology does not lie at the root of the matter between the United States and China—even if elements in China’s Marxist-Leninist elite think it does”, and that the “truth is that the United States can live with a China governed by the CPC—as long as it respects U.S. interests and those of its allies and partners.”

The fact that China’s “ideology” does not fit the same frame as Soviet-style Communism or al-Qaeda-style Islamism does not mean there isn’t one. Explicitly, China has consistently articulated and practised “socialism with Chinese characteristics” and Xi Jinping’s supremacist “China Dream”. Implicitly, it is what Stein Ringen calls “controlocracy” that the world is up against.

So, even if your country does not have a territorial or trade dispute with China, you will not be allowed to host Tibetan religious leaders, your cinemas forbidden from playing certain movies, your officials punished for visiting Taiwan, or your journalists under threat of arrest for writing about Hong Kong. You will be asked to think in ways that are consistent with what the men in Beijing would prefer. As those men grow more powerful, the list of things they prefer could get longer. And your own government will be compelled to constrain your liberty on their behalf.

15 Sep 2020/Tuesday           Source:   ThePrint                                                                  

China’s Communism Advertisement on Coronavirus Agenda

Amidst World's COVID-19 Struggle


Self appraisal of Communist Party of China, took to new golden height,s when Xi Jinping extended the “Best Coronavirus Performer” award to himself.

Xi Jinping said China had passed “an extraordinary and historic test” during an awards ceremony for medical professionals decorated with bugle calls and applause, reframing the episode as an example of the agility and organization of the Communist leadership.

And as if guilty ridden acceptance of its role in genesis and spread of the same deadly Coronavirus, he seemed to justify: “selfish selfish moves, any buck-passing and deeds that confuse right and wrong” risked inflicting damage across the world.

What makes China’s childish “chide” implicative and outburst significant, are both internal and external factors, which we shall pursue here.

Internal Dissent and a Crumbling Economy

For years, Cai Xia, a former professor at China’s elite Central Party School, had watched the ruling Communist party decay from the inside. Now she is out. Last month,  she was expelled from the party, two months after an audio recording of her describing the country’s leader, Xi Jinping, as a “mafia boss” was leaked online.

Cai went even further in her denunciation of Xi, discussing what she considered to be short falls of Communist Party of China in its current form, Xi’s sycophancy as a leader and that she believed a democratic transition would take place one day. Then she requested that her comments not be published because of threats that she and her family had received.

A strong party is the key to a successful China, in Xi’s eyes. It is also the only way to fend off imaginary enemies abroad, most notably the US : is what is Xi’s appreciation of his job, with a hint of a megalomaniac, but definitely devoid of global leadership tenor.

Xi has rewritten the party’s rules, including ending term limits, setting himself up to be leader indefinitely, a President for Life, and launched huge study campaigns to instill his personal ideology across society, starting with toddlers, through schools and universities and through the Central Committee Party School in Beijing.

Nazi style: the party has developed an app through which Chinese can study “Xi Jinping Thought”, and presently the ‘toeing the line’ party members are ensuring his madness is fulfilled unquestioned.

Economic downturn that China has taken; in the last three years, with millions jobless and companies moving out of China, has make Xi Jinping more paranoid, purging and stepping on personal space, though and expression, the right of every human around the world.

Chinese citizens feel stifled, disconnected from the world, at mercy of CPC’s mad antics in domestic and international affairs, with digital media thoroughly state controlled, reminding them of their gruesome “Imperialist Chinese Emperor” past.

Another Rectification Purge by CPC?

Terror of “Yan’an Rectification” of 1942 revisited

This infamous purge, was the consolidation of Mao Zedong’s paramount role within the CCP, especially from 1942 to 1944, and the adoption of a party constitution that endorsed Marxist-Leninism and “Mao Zedong Thought” as guiding ideologies.

While Xi Jinping would love to, for the grandeur and glory of it, be remembered in the platform of Mao, and maybe have a candy floss dream of a term like Jin-pinging(akin to Maoist) ideology, it is a fact that previous 1942 purge saw approx 3,00,000 people killed/disappeared.

This new pilot project has been announced in China, which aims to “rectify” “corrupt” cadres, using 1940 hard-line terminology in order to “scrape the poison off the bones.”

The purge, announced by an official who was sent to Wuhan to deal with bureaucratic mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic, will be applied nationwide in 2021, one year before the 20th Party Congress where Xi Jinping hopes to extend his tenure as General Secretary.

Thousands of Chinese communists were purged during the 1942 Yan’an rectification campaign. The ones that could stay in the party were forced to ‘unify their thinking’ and toe the official line of Mao Zedong. If they deviated from the official line, their fate was expulsion, torture and even death.

People fear the same, this time on, and maybe even worse than the post Tiananmen Square Massacre so called Maoist cleansing-Purge.


Satellite states like Tibet, Hong Kong, Xin Jiang, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong and Pakistan Scared

“Reading between the lines, one has also the impression that the CCP is concerned with what it sees as a soft enforcement of the law in courts and jails” a reform taken in the 80s to enable it to participate in opening of economy to the world, and be democracy like.

Now the gloves are off!

China can be predicted of using tested Maoist slogans of “punish before and after, “cure and save the people” and “punish severely.” Millions of party cadres and Chinese citizens  are potentially at risk of being targeted.

It shall be a opportuinity of assimilating Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, Xin Jiang and Mongolian regions fully in grasp of CPC’s agenda. Effects in these regions shall be severe by the “rectification campaign” since the imposition of a controversial National Security Law on July 1 has opened the floodgates for China’s policy, to enter , disrupt and re jig Hong Kong’s politics, on lines of Communism.

It shall also affect the countries on which China exerts influence, like Nepal Communists and Pakistan, especially since China practically owns Occupied Kashmir and Balochistan provinces. China, through continued bribing of Pakistan Army as well as its Naval Base and Air Bases coming up in Pakistan, shall aim to tighten its grip, and start dictating behavior and Economic Colonization of these areas, in the Communism theology.

Since Coronavirus has hit the world, all thanks to China’s mistimed, inadequately planned boi-attack on the world, to lure others to communism form of governance, as an alternative to world’s distress, Xi perceives challenges on multiple fronts.

Communist Party, driven with paranoia at the best of times, is seeing threats at every turn, and hence it is snarling, picking up fights at all borders and shores of its lands, while repressing its occupied lands and even ethnic Chinese citizens.

CPC has to contend not just with a slowing economy but also a protracted trade war with the United States that has entered a new confrontational phase with President Trump’s decision to impose more tariffs next month.

He is facing escalating Western criticism of Chinese policies toward ethnic Uighurs in Xin­jiang, where as many as 3 million people have been put into reeducation camps. He is dealing with an increasingly assertive Taiwan at the same time a pro-democracy movement swells in Hong Kong.

All of these loom as dangers to Xi’s authority as the party’s general secretary and are heightening a sense of alarm within a party long fearful of external threats.

Cai Xia also held Xi Jinping responsible for the pandemic. She claims that even after receiving the information the Chinese president did not raise an alarm nor did he make the information public or mobilize resources, which reinforces what world believes to be a fact.

China’s Communist Party is not silent, stating that there is opposition against Xi Jinping, but it remains below the radar for two reasons – the anti-corruption crackdown, that is those who are corrupt will not question the president and those who are clean fear that they will be implicated under false charges.

Additionally, disciplinary code of the Communist Party which was adopted under Xi Jinping, has a rule which states that no member can “distort” the policies of the party. If a member has a different opinion it will be considered a violation of party discipline.

Very Nazi like or one show stop Jinpinging!

09 Sep 2020/Wednesday      Written by: Fayaz                                                                                   

China’s Sinister Plot of Bankrupting the World Industrial Infrastructure

World Economies Unite


With Donald Trump’s tirade against China, saw 2018 congressional overhaul of the US government’s Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) and export control processes and the introduction of the first common inward investment framework in the European Union in 2019. As a result, Chinese investment levels, especially in the United States, have declined dramatically steadily.

China was identified as the villain, and not just because it had the largest trade surplus with the US of all trade partners. The trade war officially started on July 6, 2018, when the US imposed a 25 percent tariff on Chinese imports worth $34 billion. This was just the first in a series of increases in tariffs over the subsequent year, and China also retaliated with tariffs on some US goods (albeit on lower values of imports).

Post COVID-19 strangulation Of the Dragon

In the early stages of the crisis, the theatrics of Chinese mask diplomacy, beguiled some outside observers into believing that Beijing was scoring a series of soft power victories in Europe. Praise and airport welcome parties for Chinese aid organised by the likes of the Serbian president, Aleksandar Vucic, and the Italian foreign minister, Luigi Di Maio, were widely cited as examples of a power shift in China’s favour.

In each case, politicians with already-friendly ties to the Chinese government sought to use its provision of medical supplies, to validate those linkages and to shame their European partners into doing more to help.

But, Beijing’s willingness to embrace and magnify those divisions and fissures, at such a sensitive juncture has brought about a backlash from the governments and institutions, on the receiving end of its brazen hostile political maneuvers.

China’s “17+1” meetings with central and eastern European states, and its efforts to push European countries to block joint statements on the South China Sea or human rights issues, was an expose on the dirty blood-politics played by China in Europe.

Initially, Europe continued to trust China, seeing a replay of modest assistance to EU during 2008 meltdown, while Beijing launched a counter to politically isolate Washington for its protectionist policies. At one point, it also seemed to gather some support.

All realised that, China has not fulfilled the lavish promises it made to the region for large-scale investments. Chinese foreign direct investment in the EU peaked in 2016 at US$43 billion, then plummeted back to 2012 levels in 2019, with the expectation that 2020 would be even lower.

After years of 17+1 summits, eastern European politicians realised that it was the photo opportunities rather than meaningful discussion that mattered more to their Chinese counterparts.

In addition, the pandemic and China’s brazen bid to acquire distress business and industrial base of the world, especially powerhouses in EU and the US, has fundamentally altered that picture. It has removed the political haziness on China, exposing the threat by China in terms of both security and reliability issues.

As a beginning of a concerted reply to China, On March 25, 2020, the European Commission issued guidance, that warned member states of increased risk of attempts to acquire healthcare capacities (e.g., for production of medical or protective equipment) or related industries such as research establishments (e.g., vaccine developers) via FDI.

Scope of the FDI Screening Regulation issued by the EU Commission said, “The Regulation applies to all sectors of the economy and is not subject to any thresholds. The need to screen a transaction may indeed be independent from the value of the transaction itself. Small start-ups, for instance, may have a relatively limited value but may be of strategic importance on issues like research or technology.”

Central and Eastern Europe countries have grown wary of the political risks associated with their bonhomie with China, amid growing criticism from the EU and US over the past few years. For some, this reassessment has been associated with the tech cold war between the US and China. Following pressure from the US and Russia, countries like  Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania, and Estonia have indicated they will ban Chinese firm Huawei from the construction of their 5G networks.

In May 2020, Romania canceled a deal with a Chinese company to build a nuclear power plant. For Latvia, growing concerns over cyber-spying led its intelligence agency to declare China a threat to national security. Future is becoming clear to China now.


Road Ahead

Chinese firms have been on a buying spree in the US and Europe, for the past few years. The lack of transparency in their financing has aroused the suspicion that they get more than a little help from their friends in the Chinese government. Yet when foreign companies want to invest in China, they still face many restrictions. This absence of reciprocity, along with the suspicion that Chinese investors get their orders from Beijing to target companies from systemically important industries abroad, has caused a backlash in Europe and the United States.

Similarly to the crisis in 2008, when within a year China’s official finance (mainly OOF) went up to almost US$70 billion from a level of less than US$15 billion, China has tried to benefit from the coronavirus pandemic, as if just waiting for this very pre-planned opportune goldem moment.

Governments in Europe fear an attack on their industrial base. Germany, Spain, Italy and France have all tightened their take-over rules and screening of foreign direct investment. Industrial policy is back on the global agenda, carrying the stick of protectionism to fend off foreign buyers.

European governments do not mention suspected predators by name, but their protective measures are clearly directed at Chinese investors. Experts confirm that, in particular, state owned enterprises from China are looking for a bargain in Europe. This only means, CPC is initiating a state owned predatory policy, wherein policy is not only a defensive measure to protect your golden eggs at home. It can also be an offensive attack to strengthen your domestic industries through merger and acquisitions abroad.

While everyone was busy tackling the Covid-19 numbers in their respective nations, the US-China trade war was taking a different turn and tune.

What started back in 2017, upon welcome of US President Trump to White House and intensified in  July 2018, has just gone berserk now, but not without due reasons. This on-again off-again war has been an economic strategy of US and a now-famous element of the Trump, vows to prevent the US from being undercut by other countries, notably and apparently China, that had benefited from the US-allied European, market by running bilateral trade surpluses.

“2017 to Pre Pandemic” Squeeze

In the early 2000s, the Chinese government actively promoted outbound investment as part of its “Going Global”. Since then, Chinese private, state owned enterprises and most importantly state influenced enterprises were tasked by Communist Party of China (CPC) to acquire technologically advanced companies in. In addition, it has been revealed nefarious tendency to aggressively pursue opportunities to invest in poorer countries’ natural resource wealth and infrastructure.

By 2016, China had become a major outbound investor, with outward investments reaching over $200 billion, or almost 2 percent of Chinese GDP and since then, as if a clockwork, there was a restriction on imports. There is also a growing revelation in the United States and Europe, that China under President Xi Jinping has turned back toward authoritarianism. China’s rising economic power and lingering doubts abroad, about its long term political and economic intentions, prompted US and European governments to implement several new screening and evaluation measures for foreign investments, mostly targeted toward Chinese investors.

China’s has in last decade, has crushed and destroyed a quarter of local industrial base in much of Europe. Balance of it, it aims to acquire and make it unprofitable, by COVID-19 induced distress purchase.

Once the local industries, which are acquired by Chinese CPC state owned operation, also run into loss and disposed off by China, there will be no more competition left in this side of hemisphere.

US and EU have gone in protectionist mode themselves, where as they are consolidating Africa and South East Asia, preparing for any military rebuttal. Countries like Iran and Turkey are walking right into Chinese Trap, a readymade Chinese colony. Here India and Russia are together, where former has consolidated South East Asia and latter has specifically cordoned off Central Asia from Chinese hostile Economic interference.

The US, EU, Russia-Central Asia block, and India-South East Asia Block have stalled many of the Chinese ambitious plans for hostile takeovers. Also Debt-trap is backfiring on China as the US, Russia, and Quad are militarily pushing against China on all fronts, indirectly pacifying the Chinese Debt ridden under developed countries, of military support, against any form of Military hostility from China.

This puts China in a precarious position, as it stands off guard, while its infrastructure investments in third world countries unlikely to return substantial dividend in the form of a cheap plastic goods dumping markets. And its plans of destroying the US and Europe’s industrial base, by hostile COVID-19 induced takeover, seemed to be almost over.

25 Aug 20/Tuesday                                                                     Written by : Fayaz

China Tightens Its Grip on Central Asia The slowdown induced by the coronavirus has certainly not dampened China’s interest in the region.

The Silk Roads evoke a sense of something soft and pleasant, but the rock hard truth is that China is winning,” Royal Holloway Scholar Gul Berna Ozcan said. “At its core, the Belt and Road is a nicely packaged global hegemonic plan.”

Ozcan researches Chinese business investments in Eurasia. Her cautionary words come as the coronavirus’s economic headwinds continue to batter Central Asia’s fragile economies, healthcare infrastructure, supply chains, and hydrocarbon-dependent budgets are all feeling the strain. Central Asia’s GDP may contract by as much as 5.4 percent by the end of the year, according to the World Bank.

But in this bleak economic climate, Beijing is finding ample opportunity to expand its influence. While China’s trade with the region crashed in the first quarter, its thirst for energy is beginning to pick up at a time when prices are at a historic low. As relations between Central Asia and China grow increasingly asymmetrical, the region’s leaders are likely to find themselves faced with a more assertive Beijing.

For Central Asia, collapsing prices for natural resources pose a substantial threat. Natural resources account for roughly 65 to 75 percent of exports in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, and more than 90 percent in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan.

Gas has proven particularly vulnerable. Almost all of Turkmenistan’s gas exports now go to China, with Ashgabat shipping some thirty billion cubic meters (bcm) annually, accounting for 90 percent of GDP. Uzbekistan is less exposed, with energy accounting for less than 15 percent of GDP, yet nevertheless sells a substantial ten bcm to China each year. In February, coronavirus lockdowns in China led to a 17 percent drop in natural gas demand from Beijing, confirmed from data at a pipeline metering station on the Kazakh border, showing a 3.9 bcm demand dip.

Other signs of strain emerged on March 5 after energy giant PetroChina suspended some natural gas imports, declaring force majeure on unspecified supplies. (Force majeure is a legal term often called an “act-of-God clause” which absolves parties from fulfilling contractual duties without fear of penalty in the event of natural disasters such as a pandemic.) On March 11, Kazakh Energy Minister Nurlan Nogayev said that gas supplies had fallen 20 to 25 percent “at the request of China.”

But as China’s economic output begins to pick up, its energy demand is likely to snap back. “In the short term, China is buying less Uzbek and Turkmen gas and more from Kazakhstan,” Foreign Policy Research Institute Economic Research Fellow Maximilian Hess said. “In the longer term, gas levels will recover but the prices will likely remain low.”

The region’s lack of export options, combined with growing global LNG supplies and China’s long-term push toward reduced dependence on coal, will only serve to increase China’s negotiating power in the region. Data from Kazakhstan’s state oil and gas company, KazMunaiGaz on June 3 revealed that its sales had picked up 15.3 percent in the first quarter. As they cut supplies from Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Chinese companies can play regional actors off against one another to gain more favorable terms and expand Beijing’s political clout.

This is bad news for Central Asia, where economies are already struggling to pay back loans to Chinese banks. Pandemic-induced industrial disruption may result in Chinese firms seizing opportunities to enter into joint ventures in exchange for debt relief. Like in other parts of the world, China often denominates loans in barrels of oil, a practice that masks the true payments. As energy prices plummet, such “barter deals”  allow China to secure its energy imports and add to its stockpiles.

Rising Debt 

The sharp decline in both commodity prices and remittances from Russia look set to increase debt burdens across the region. Estimates suggest an increase in debt-to-GDP ratios in 2020 by 3 percent in Kazakhstan (to 23.1 percent of GDP); 7 percent in Tajikistan (51.8); 8 percent in Uzbekistan (36.9); and 15 percent in Kyrgyzstan (69.2).

China remains the largest creditor, accounting for anywhere from 50 to 80 percent of new foreign debt in the region. The two poorest republics, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, are especially vulnerable. According to official figures, Kyrgyzstan had a total foreign debt of about USD 3.8 billion in 2019, of which roughly 1.8 billion was owed to the Export-Import Bank of China (Eximbank). Meanwhile, almost half of Tajikistan’s external debt is owed to Beijing.

China now has to weigh writing off bad loans. In some cases it has already acted: Kyrgyzstan’s government announced in April that China agreed to reschedule $1.7 billion worth of debt repayments, without revealing the specifics of the agreement. In addition, China announced plans to back the G20 debt relief program.

This decision is unlikely to benefit Central Asia however. “The BRI almost always consists of corporate loans and private banks,” says Hess. “Unfortunately for Central Asia, the G20 agreement discusses official debt and not the private debt structures where Chinese money sits. It’s really not the hope the region has been waiting for.”

An editorial in Chinese official mouthpiece Global Times confirms this, noting that preferential loans from Eximbank are “not applicable for debt relief.”

“This decision was purely political,” AKE International Asia-Pacific Analyst Zhouchen Mao said. “Given the geopolitical context of worsening U.S.-China relations, this stance allows China to show its commitment to the international community while positioning itself as a responsible stakeholder—a narrative it has been pushing throughout the pandemic.”

Growing debts also place the region in a precarious geostrategic position. Unlike the World Bank, Chinese loans tend to carry higher interest rates and use national assets as collateral. In the past, debt-burdened Tajikistan has paid off debts to China by granting mining rights, allowing a military base on its territory, and even ceding 0.7 percent of its land. In a recent phone conversation between Tajik President Emomali Rahmon and Chinese President Xi Jinping, the Tajik leader expressed a desire to “further align Tajikistan’s national development strategy for the period up to 2030 with the joint construction of the BRI” showing Beijing’s growing influence in the country even amid the coronavirus.

But concern over ‘debt-trap diplomacy’ may be overblown. “I think it is plausible that China will agree to delay debt repayments in the region,” China Matters Researcher Dirk Van der Kley said. “The debts from Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are very small in the grand scheme of things.”

And the assets themselves are unlikely to entice Beijing, contributing little to the country’s strategic interests. “Gold and silver deposits, even at larger projects like the Kumtor mine, don’t really matter to China,” Van der Kley said. “If they are seized, it will not be because of the central government, but because [the China Import-Export Bank] is trying to get its money back.”

No Alternative 

China’s growing influence, as well as corruption charges linked to Chinese money, have drawn a hostile reception in the region. In August 2019, violent clashes between Kyrgyz and Chinese workers halted the work of a Chinese-owned goldmine, while a series of demonstrations in February this year ended the prospects of building a $280 million joint Kyrgyz-Chinese logistics venture. Kyrgyz protesters also blocked road construction in the country, accusing its Chinese workers of carrying the coronavirus.

“Anti-Chinese sentiment is strong across the region and it will likely remain that way for some time,” Ozcan said. “But [the coronavirus], while initially enhancing this hostility, also appears to be presenting China with considerable opportunities to earn some credibility through provision of medical aid.”

At the opening of a World Health Organization meeting hosted in May, Chinese president Xi Jinping announced that China would be spending up to $2 billion worldwide to combat the coronavirus. By the end of that month, Tajikistan received its third Chinese medical team of the year, bringing the total to twenty tons for donated medical equipment in the country.

Chinese businesses are also getting involved. E-commerce giant Alibaba has been sending supplies to both Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. While in March, Chinese defense companies NORINCO, Hytera, and Poly Group sent medical aid via Uzbek military planes. Zijin Mining has also handed Kyrgyz officials protective equipment and thermometers.

While business relations continue to grow, the days of large-scale Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) infrastructure investment may be coming to an end. “If the global economy shrinks and production localizes then the very conditions which sustain a project like the BRI begin to disappear,” Ozcan said. “But China needs Central Asia and Pakistan to stabilize critical spaces like Xinjiang and so for that reason, I think the BRI will downscale to become something more local by nature, stimulating growth in China’s western provinces. Either way, the flagship big money projects of the past are unlikely to continue.”

The slowdown induced by the coronavirus has certainly not dampened China’s interest in the region. Chinese workers and engineers have been slipping across Uzbekistan’s closed borders throughout March and April, eager to continue conducting business. That same month, a cargo train left the coronavirus epicenter of Wuhan with 216 Uzbekistan-bound Chevrolet Equinoxes, the first time completed cars were shipped to Central Asia by rail. Kazakhstan has seen similar trends.

The slowdown induced by the coronavirus has certainly not dampened China’s interest in the region.

13 Jul 20/Monday    Source: THE NATIONAL INTEREST


China occupies Nepal village, land; Deafening silence from Oli government China has occupied a village of Nepal and allegedly removed the boundary pillars to legitimise its annexation, top government sources

China has occupied a village of Nepal and allegedly removed the boundary pillars to legitimise its annexation, top government sources said on Tuesday. It has also been learnt that China has gradually made inroads into several Nepalese territories with an ulterior aim to seize complete control.

The latest in the line is Rui village in Gorkha district, which is now in total control of China. “In a massive departure from its diplomatic stand of non-interference, the Chinese have completely occupied Rui Village and the residents comprising around 72 houses are fighting for their original identity. This also shows how Nepal’s current regime has surrendered to China and is now making anti-India statements and resorting to anti-India activities,” top sources told IANS.

Apart from Rui village, China has also occupied strategic lands at 11 places across Nepal. Around 36 hectares of land in four districts of Nepal, which border China, have been illegally occupied by China, but so far Nepalese government is tightlipped about it. The occupation of Rui village has been done systematically by China in the last two years.

Since the village figures in the map of Nepal and is part of the Himalayan nation, the residents have always been associated with the country’s identity. But the Nepal government, at the behest of China, is more engaged in creating artificial disputes with India over boundaries and three villages that belong to India.

Nepal has recently come out with a new map that claims parts of Indian territory in Pithoragarh district. India has rejected this new map of Nepal saying it is not based on historical facts or evidence. The new political map of the country features parts of Lipulekh, Kalapani and Limpiyadhura areas which are in Indian territory.

The new political map was authenticated by Nepal President Bidya Devi Bhandari last week. India-Nepal relationship came under strain after Defence Minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated an 80-km-long strategically crucial road connecting the Lipulekh pass with Dharchula in Uttarakhand on May 8. Nepal immediately protested, saying the road violated the status quo of the region, which it described as “unresolved”.

Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs Anurag Srivastava had said the amendment amounts to “artificial enlargement of claims that are not based on historical fact or evidence and is not tenable”. Last year, sources said, Nepal government realised China had been annexing their land however they preferred to remain silent.

“Even after realizing that China’s aggressive nationalism and military expansionism are a reality, the policies fashioned by hardline Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders, Nepal communist government prefers to remain silent,” said the sources. Nepal has found that China has already occupied six hectares of land near Bhagdare Khola (River) area and four hectares near Karnali River in Humla district.

They also found that China has illegally occupied two hectares near Sinjen Khola (river) and one hectare of Bhurjuk Khola (River) in Rasuwa district. It has also captured land adjacent to Lamde Khola and three hectares near Jambu Khola in Rasuwa district. China has also illegally occupied seven hectares of land in Kharane Khola and four hectares near Bhote Koshi of Sandhu Pal Chok district in Nepal, three hectares of Samjung Khola, two hectares near Kam Khola and four hectares of land from Arun river bed in Sankhuwasabha district of Nepal.

The term khola means river in local Nepali language. But, instead of objecting to Chinese illegal occupation and growing infiltration into the Nepalese boundaries, the KP Sharma Oli government is looking to unnecessarily interfere in India’s sovereignty. Besides the new map, Oli government is obstructing the dam repair work at Gandak Barrage that threatens flooding in Bihar during the monsoon.

This provocative move, sources said, is being done by Nepal at China’s behest which has crippled the world by spreading contagious coronavirus and is aggressively pursuing its expansionist policy. “Nepal’s domestic policy appears to be ruled by China. The Oli government is escalating the tension between the two countries on issues that have earlier never figured in India-Nepal bilateral relationship. Occupation of its villages by China and now Nepal’s provocative gesture in Bihar that shares 700 km international border with Nepal, makes it evident that Oli government is being ruled by Beijing,” top sources said.

25 Jun 20/Thursday                                                                                Source: foreignpolicy.com


China is not a simple communist country. It is a capitalist country when it comes to dealing with other countries and towards their own people act as a communist country. They are ruthless and totally think business or akin to Lalas of India. For them the national goal is supreme. Recently the Dhoklam incident gives us the complete picture. When seen from the perspective of Chinese it was not good for their economy which was losing steam to drive Indian forces. Moreover, overwhelming support to Indian government garnered from all the dominant western powers shooed Chinese out and forced them to withdraw. This shows us clearly that Chinese will not be of help to Pakistan and they will have to fend for themselves in case of any future conflicts with any country especially India on its eastern front.  The Chinese also did not mince their words when leaving out Pakistan to defend itself in UNGA when India attacked Pakistan on its outlook on terror.

Chinese have been selling Coal-Fired Power Projects with used boilers to Pakistan to reduce their own carbon footprint. Chinese are planning to set up some 19 energy plants in Pakistan as part of CPEC. A total of 20 billion to be spent on 19 energy projects i.e. coal-fired and renewable power plants, and transmission lines, among other infrastructure. It is believed that the Chinese have ulterior motives in funding the unsustainable outdated coal projects in Pakistan. The energy generated will be supplied to Pakistanis at a hefty charge and the same is in news all around in Pakistani media. The secondary effect of these coal plants which will energize the roads and region around CPEC for the security of CPEC is that it will pollute the Pakistani climate to such an extent that it will become a world leader in carbon footprint. Being a communist country the Chinese were to treat Pakistan on equal terms however the same is not true. The corruption in Pakistan has infected all establishments and the same is being exploited by Chinese Industry. Due to which the Chinese and Pakistan governments are keeping a lid on the entire pack under wraps. This is very evident from the fact all the operators including contractors and workforce working on the project is from China. Only the security force employed for protection duties is from Pakistan. Thus, there is no skill development while the multi-Billion dollar project is being built on the Pakistani soil.

 In return for full cooperation with China in CPEC and surrendering its defense completely what the Pakistanis got is debt overburden and a cunning friend. As far as Military Research and Developmental help given out is we can say the Chinese are dolling out only those outdated technologies which they have already discarded. We may say they Chinese helped Pakistan in developing JF-17 used by Pakistani Air Force but is not in service in Chinese People's Liberation Army Air Force. It is just a replacement for older aircraft such as Mirage III and Mirage V fighters or just another upgrade of MIG-21 aircraft. This is the status of Pakistan in front of Chinese. Chinese are also refusing to part with J-20 stealth aircraft recently inducted into its Airforce.

 The Pakistani Military leadership has been keeping the Indians busy on their western front by asking Pakistani army and Rangers to initiate low-intensity conflict in Indian territory. Thus, ensuring that the two neighbors are busy bleeding each other while Chinese conduct their business as usual without spending a penny. It is to be seen who has more to gain by bleeding India, it is China as it has more to lose if Indians get more powerful and influential in the region. This will make the US to lean on India and force China out of the equation. It can be clearly seen in the formation of Indo-Pacific Quadrilateral where China is excluded in spite of having formidable presence and stake in the Pacific Ocean. Thus understanding the real intent of Chinese leading countries like US, Japan, Australia, and India have tried to indicate to China that they can and will outcast China if required by forming various forums.

 There is a large section of government officials who believe that Pakistan is getting increasingly unequal treatment in CPEC. The recent development being Pakistan refusing use of Yuan (Chinese Currency) to be used in Pakistan. "Use of yuan for common use in any part of Pakistan or exchangeable like dollar has to be on a reciprocal basis," said Pakistani government official. Pakistani officials recently concluded CPEC Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) stressed that Chinese officials were disappointed on this move from the Pakistani side.

 All these facts show that Chinese are no true friends of anyone. They have just interests in Pakistan and no particular liking to Pakistanis or any other people in the region. It is up to the people of Pakistan to question their government which is much under the influence of Pakistani Army as the world is looking at them with a formidable unanswered question, “Can you outsmart the Chinese?”. The answer of each Pakistani citizen will in future be responsible for the long-term well-being of a strong Pakistan as a nation.

 The author is pursuing research in Financial audits from Lahore.


In a strange move the Chinese Authorities the PLA has been asked to pledge its allegiance to President Xi Jinping.

The world´s largest armed forces should be "absolutely loyal, honest and reliable to President Xi", says a new guideline issued by the Central Military Commission on 05 Nov 17.

China´s military of around two million is technically the armed force of the ruling Communist Party (CPC), rather than the state or a single person. The commission´s calls for fidelity to Xi, shows the extent to which he has consolidated power since having his eponymous philosophy written into the party constitution last month. Xi´s political philosophy -- Xi Jinping Thought -- should also guide the strengthening of the military. Ideally, there should not be any requirement from a President of a Country like China to ask its Army to pledge allegiance unless some sort of threat is being perceived from them in future. There is definitely much more happening inside the CPC, than meets the eye.

Considered the central figure of the People's Republic's fifth generation of leadership, Xi has significantly centralized all institutional power by taking on a wide range of leadership positions, including chairing the newly formed National Security Commission, as well as new steering committees on economic and social reforms, military reform, and the Internet. “Xi Jinping has been nicknamed ‘the Chairman of Everything’. In late 2017, he was labelled by The Economist as “The world’s most powerful man”. The CPC “has published huge volumes on Xi’s political thoughts since he came to power five years ago.” The "new strongman" Xi has had a personality cult constructed around himself "with books, cartoons, pop songs and even dance routines. Xi Jinping has even has a free mobile app that teaches lessons on him.


Xi Jinping’s order to the PLA to pledge its allegiance is being projected to the world as a step towards absolute control or consolidation of authority is actually a step towards Dictatorship. After Xi’s annexation of power in 2013, China has become more assertive and at times, aggressive. He has sought to expand China's regional influence through the Belt and Road Initiative.  China’s aggression in South China Sea and Doklam has forced US, Japan, Australia and India to forge an alliance ‘Quad’.  In a single party controlled system of governance and too much of power centralised in one person is bound to create problems in the long run. With this new kind of dictatorship emerging in China, is its place in the UN “rightful”?


Chinese Daily Global Times has reported that a hospital in Changsha, the capital of Hunan Province, has relocated its blood bank on the orders of the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA)’. Many hospitals in different provinces have started curtailing the use of blood. The local government is organizing a blood collection drive to replenish supplies. The same is also true of some other top hospitals in Hubei Province and the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. The stocks of blood were transferred before the Jiuzhaigou earthquake in Sichuan Province on August 8, and they are likely to be transferred to Tibet.

View Point

On the face of it, the report will give an impression that China is stepping up preparedness for a possible military conflict with India on Doklam standoff by reportedly setting up blood donation and collection camps in the area. However, if we analyse it deeply, we will find that the News Paper reports of blood donation is a part of passive psychological operations of PLA to indicate that it means business.

All armies of the world take these measures before going to war but premature release of these news by PLA can safely be construed as part of psychological warfare to keep the adversary guessing. These activities are part of Civil Defence Programme and routinely practiced during peace time as rehersals.


The Zhurihe   training base for PLA was set up in inner Mangolia to study the enemy armies and act like the enemies in live or mock war games. It covers an area of 1,066 sq km, almost the same as the land area of Hong Kong, and has its own hospitals and army logistic facilities.

Zhurihe has been hosting realistic combat exercises for about 10 years. Such drills, typically involving battles between red and blue units, are designed to get the soldiers used to fighting more skilful and better equipped foes.

Besides the combat troops, PLA medics also undergo training at Zhurihe, working on battlefield surgery and medical evacuation procedures.

Many countries have so-called opposing forces dedicated to playing enemy units in military training. In the West, the opposing force is usually called the red army, but that colour, highly symbolic for communist states, represents the PLA side in China.

China’s blue (enemy ) force, the 195th Mechanised Infantry Brigade, was officially set up at Zhurihe in 2014.

The blue force has adopted a command system and tactics similar to those of Nato forces.

During the war games, soldiers have laser receivers scattered all over their bodies, which detect when they are “hit” by enemy fire.

The Zhurihe base allows the army to practise on different types of terrain and the exercises also include mock nuclear, chemical and biological warfare as well as urban combat.

In the mock battles, both sides can use regular weapons such as tanks, armoured vehicles and artillery. They also have equipment for electronic warfare and air surveillance.

To better imitate the US army, the blue force has been given upgraded weapons and artillery, including the advanced ZTZ-96A battle tank, the Type-07 self-propelled artillery and an early warning system.

The red forces were given a drubbing during the Stride exercises in the past three years.

In the 2014 drill, the red units won just one of the seven battles, and in 2015 they lost all the battles to the blue force.

State media said the red force faced greater difficulty as it was supposed to “invade” the territory held by the blue force, which also had more high-tech weapons.

Exercise directors sometimes give the red army extra challenges such as electromagnetic interference and mock chemical attacks.

The PLA does not publish fatality records at Zhurihe, but at least two soldiers have reportedly died on duty there in the past three years.

Chinese media have labelled Zhurihe “China’s Fort Irwin”, but the US training centre, in the desert in California, is much bigger.